Written by Ruona Agbroko
Monday, 08 March 2010 10:27
Lesley. Anton. Margaret. Franz....Lesley. Anton. Margaret. Franz. Lesley...
I would stand in front of the full-length mirror in my hotel room in Sandton and chant these names repeatedly for days before I resumed classes at Wits. Even my reflection thought I had gone bonkers. Still, months later, I struggle with the strangeness of having to call my lecturers by name.
Back home in Nigeria, we would ask around, from fellow students or check door labels for the proper title of a lecturer before daring to see him/her.
Woe betide you if you called a professor a doctor, or said “Mrs” instead of “Doctor Mrs.”
Often you got sent out without being heard, or had to endure a lecture on when the lecturer in question came about their doctorate. Some of us paid for our 'mistake' by having to keep a straight face during long-winded tales of how lecturers' parents toiled, how they went to the UK or some other foreign country to school in the 60s, and how our parents hadn't even met then, much less given a thought to conceiving us; mere tadpoles now endowed with sufficient guts to call them by a lesser title.
Fast-forward to Wits, and I found myself asking Margaret on orientation day; “Please...are you a doctor or...?”
“What has that got to do with anything?” her twinkling eyes stared back, amused.
“I just needed to know what to call you, as...”
“Oh, forget that! Call me Margaret,” she burst out laughing.
All of which was followed by Lesley telling me nicely to stop calling her 'Ma'am' a few minutes later.
There's more.
I am not sure the origins of this practice, but anytime you saw a lecturer, you were to run over, curtsey or bow, as normal in greeting, and take their bags.
Being the oddball that I am, I only helped lecturers who were either nice, or really had too much to carry.
Fast-forward to Wits, and Barbara, my sub-editing lecturer must have thought I wanted to mug her when I instinctively reached for one of her bags.
When I offer to help her share stuff around the class so she doesn't have to zig-zag her way through the length of the room, she nicely says it's a form of exercise. It doesn't stop me asking her the very next time.
Because it is what it is.
For all my cosmopolitan-ness, I dare not call my parents by name, and only do so when I write about them, or behind their back, often when they have not fulfilled their role as life-long ATMs.
The same goes for relatives, regardless of whether you can locate their place on the family chain or not.
I think all of that forms the colourful fabric of being African.
I still find myself curtseying as I greet, I am still amazed that we can email our lecturers with tidbits and details of our coursework. Still tense when I have to knock on a lecturer's door, chat with them or yes...have to call them by name.
Which is why the small mirror in my narrow room at International House must still put up with a daily image of me, toothbrush in hand, hair tied back, chanting; “Lesley. Anton. Margaret. Franz....Lesley. Anton. Margaret. Franz. Lesley...”
*Agbroko is the 2010 Niall Fitzgerald scholar doing her Honours degree in Journalism and Media Studies at the University of the Witswatersrand (Wits), Johanneburg, South Africa. She writes this column for www.vuvuzela.org.za, the website for Wits' journalism department.
Tuesday, March 9, 2010
Monday, March 1, 2010
“Hey, where's the coloured girl in your class?”
Written by Ruona Agbroko
Monday, 01 March 2010 08:48
A few weeks into life at Wits and it's common knowledge that freshmen are always the ones who repeatedly apologise before asking for directions to places they are standing right in front of. They are also easily identified by their love for neon colours and all things gaudy, which is okay, once your eyes—and ears—get used to the vast amounts of clanging bling.
But there is another type of profiling I got an impromptu insight on; people referring to others by their skin colour.
The journalism department has this nice, cozy newsroom lab where its students converge. The interns strut about like they own the place, while the new students often forget the whole lab is Wits property—you wade through bags, bottles and wrappers to log on to a computer and out pops a Facebook page with a half-dressed male smiling at you.
Anyway, so there I was sitting in the lab, shooting off emails sufficiently buttered up to make my mates in Nigeria jealous when a boisterous voice rose above the din of students basking in the few minutes between lectures.
“Hey, where's the coloured girl in your class?”
I felt a gasp escape me before I could stop it. I turned my head and opened my mouth to speak then shut it fast, after remembering my mother's warning at the airport.
“Ruona, you really should try and mind your business when you get to South Africa. It is not everything you can change by being a journalist,” she had said, before suffocating me in a Chanel No. 5 goodbye hug.
I waited. Perhaps I hadn't heard those words. Maybe one of the voices in my head was being silly, surely?
Just as I returned to telling my friends about my imaginary campus boyfriend, the voice came again; “Guys, where's the coloured girl in your class?”
It finally occurred to me that Mother is not omnipresent.
I got up, and approached the speaker.
“I'm sorry, but…did you just refer to someone by their colour?”
“Yes,” she said, and then started chuckling.
“You should see your face...is it an issue in Nigeria? That's how it goes down here, girl.”
“I'm sorry, I find that hard to believe...aren't you a journalist? Why not get her name, or ask; 'where is the lady who sat next to you', or something?
“How would you feel if someone referred to you based on your colour?” I threw in for good measure.
By this time, I was following her around.
“Look, Ruona, we are a rainbow nation. I wouldn't feel bad... I'd feel worse if someone called me a Kaffir, which is really major here, people don't see anything wrong with being referred to by their colour, as opposed to being called a Kaffir. Then, they’d get really mad.”
“Okay, I have no way of confirming that people like being called black, white or coloured,” I conceded.
“But surely you must know that even if they liked it, rainbow nation or not...it just isn’t proper. You could get sued, or come under serious criticism if you did this elsewhere, you know, right?”
“Well, yeah...I guess I won't refer to people by their colour when I get outside, then,” she shrugged.
“Aha!” I replied.
“If you see the need not to do this elsewhere, why not stop doing it now? Must you wait until you get to another country?”
She was silent. I was pleased.
Winning an argument holds the same level of excitement for me as Marie Curie must have had winning the Nobel Prize.
By now we were back where it all started, in the lab. I asked another student if South Africans all referred to each other by their colour.
She shook her head.
“No. It all depends on who is talking to who…it's not like it's something that everyone does.”
I heaved a sigh of relief and turned to the girl who had been referred to as “coloured” in her absence.
“How would you feel if you were called coloured to your face?”
She shrugged; “It happens, because South Africa has had a history with race and all of that…there were books to literally tell you what colour you were and even now, it's all we're reminded of. In school application forms, bank account opening forms, name it...they ask if you are black, Indian, white, etc.
“They keep rubbing it in your face so I guess it'll always be there”, she finished.
“Do you get that outside?” I asked.
“Not really”, she replied.
“When I was in America they would say; 'please call the girl with a weave downstairs', then you knew it had to be a black person, for whoever it was to wear a weave, or cornrows...they'd have to be black. They are more careful. It's also the way they may say “nigger” in some places there but not say it in like, Seattle.”
“Would you refer to someone by their colour inside or outside your country?”
“No, I would not,” she replied.
“But Ruonah, here it's not like......” the person who brought about the whole debate still had a few more words.
I interrupted her with a joke. I’d had my fill.
Mother did say it is a smart person who remembers his stomach's constitution and knows what foods to select at a buffet.
As I negotiate the “buffet” that is my time in South Africa, I daresay I can live with the fact that freshmen are known by their love of neon colours, but vehemently refuse to accept the (hopefully unpopular) view that being in a country of diverse people, or having a history of racial profiling gives anyone the right to identify humans by their skin colour.
http://vuvuzela.org.za/index.php/wits-voices-a-views/540-hey-wheres-the-coloured-girl-in-your-class
*Agbroko is the 2010 Niall Fitzgerald scholar doing her Honours degree in Journalism and Media Studies at the University of the Witswatersrand (Wits), Johanneburg, South Africa. She writes this column for www.vuvuzela.org.za, the website for Wits' journalism department.
Monday, 01 March 2010 08:48
A few weeks into life at Wits and it's common knowledge that freshmen are always the ones who repeatedly apologise before asking for directions to places they are standing right in front of. They are also easily identified by their love for neon colours and all things gaudy, which is okay, once your eyes—and ears—get used to the vast amounts of clanging bling.
But there is another type of profiling I got an impromptu insight on; people referring to others by their skin colour.
The journalism department has this nice, cozy newsroom lab where its students converge. The interns strut about like they own the place, while the new students often forget the whole lab is Wits property—you wade through bags, bottles and wrappers to log on to a computer and out pops a Facebook page with a half-dressed male smiling at you.
Anyway, so there I was sitting in the lab, shooting off emails sufficiently buttered up to make my mates in Nigeria jealous when a boisterous voice rose above the din of students basking in the few minutes between lectures.
“Hey, where's the coloured girl in your class?”
I felt a gasp escape me before I could stop it. I turned my head and opened my mouth to speak then shut it fast, after remembering my mother's warning at the airport.
“Ruona, you really should try and mind your business when you get to South Africa. It is not everything you can change by being a journalist,” she had said, before suffocating me in a Chanel No. 5 goodbye hug.
I waited. Perhaps I hadn't heard those words. Maybe one of the voices in my head was being silly, surely?
Just as I returned to telling my friends about my imaginary campus boyfriend, the voice came again; “Guys, where's the coloured girl in your class?”
It finally occurred to me that Mother is not omnipresent.
I got up, and approached the speaker.
“I'm sorry, but…did you just refer to someone by their colour?”
“Yes,” she said, and then started chuckling.
“You should see your face...is it an issue in Nigeria? That's how it goes down here, girl.”
“I'm sorry, I find that hard to believe...aren't you a journalist? Why not get her name, or ask; 'where is the lady who sat next to you', or something?
“How would you feel if someone referred to you based on your colour?” I threw in for good measure.
By this time, I was following her around.
“Look, Ruona, we are a rainbow nation. I wouldn't feel bad... I'd feel worse if someone called me a Kaffir, which is really major here, people don't see anything wrong with being referred to by their colour, as opposed to being called a Kaffir. Then, they’d get really mad.”
“Okay, I have no way of confirming that people like being called black, white or coloured,” I conceded.
“But surely you must know that even if they liked it, rainbow nation or not...it just isn’t proper. You could get sued, or come under serious criticism if you did this elsewhere, you know, right?”
“Well, yeah...I guess I won't refer to people by their colour when I get outside, then,” she shrugged.
“Aha!” I replied.
“If you see the need not to do this elsewhere, why not stop doing it now? Must you wait until you get to another country?”
She was silent. I was pleased.
Winning an argument holds the same level of excitement for me as Marie Curie must have had winning the Nobel Prize.
By now we were back where it all started, in the lab. I asked another student if South Africans all referred to each other by their colour.
She shook her head.
“No. It all depends on who is talking to who…it's not like it's something that everyone does.”
I heaved a sigh of relief and turned to the girl who had been referred to as “coloured” in her absence.
“How would you feel if you were called coloured to your face?”
She shrugged; “It happens, because South Africa has had a history with race and all of that…there were books to literally tell you what colour you were and even now, it's all we're reminded of. In school application forms, bank account opening forms, name it...they ask if you are black, Indian, white, etc.
“They keep rubbing it in your face so I guess it'll always be there”, she finished.
“Do you get that outside?” I asked.
“Not really”, she replied.
“When I was in America they would say; 'please call the girl with a weave downstairs', then you knew it had to be a black person, for whoever it was to wear a weave, or cornrows...they'd have to be black. They are more careful. It's also the way they may say “nigger” in some places there but not say it in like, Seattle.”
“Would you refer to someone by their colour inside or outside your country?”
“No, I would not,” she replied.
“But Ruonah, here it's not like......” the person who brought about the whole debate still had a few more words.
I interrupted her with a joke. I’d had my fill.
Mother did say it is a smart person who remembers his stomach's constitution and knows what foods to select at a buffet.
As I negotiate the “buffet” that is my time in South Africa, I daresay I can live with the fact that freshmen are known by their love of neon colours, but vehemently refuse to accept the (hopefully unpopular) view that being in a country of diverse people, or having a history of racial profiling gives anyone the right to identify humans by their skin colour.
http://vuvuzela.org.za/index.php/wits-voices-a-views/540-hey-wheres-the-coloured-girl-in-your-class
*Agbroko is the 2010 Niall Fitzgerald scholar doing her Honours degree in Journalism and Media Studies at the University of the Witswatersrand (Wits), Johanneburg, South Africa. She writes this column for www.vuvuzela.org.za, the website for Wits' journalism department.
Sunday, February 21, 2010
Complacence ain't hip!
By Ruona Agbroko
Sunday, 21 February 2010 07:31
I haven’t ever listened to my lecturers entirely. This is why instead of working out complex Chemistry equations for my first degree, I was on the streets, gathering stories.
This is also why I took Anton Harber’s advice to “take all you hear from the authorities with a pinch of salt.” Unfortunately, he was the authority, and speaking during the journalism department's reception for new students.
For those who don’t know, Professor Harber heads the Journalism School at Wits and has this thick, curly mop of hair; the kind that begs to be accessorized by a halo.
Kind squinting eyes peering from behind rimless glasses complete the look. But that’s where any semblance with the angelic ends.
Professor Harber says the scariest things, and—wait for it—actually smiles while doing so.
He was at his gremlin best at the event, telling us before our parents to; “get some sleep, because the next months will be spent working hard.” He went on to add, (with the requisite smile in place) that “if you think this is going to be a walk in the park, I suggest you take up easier courses like Medicine, Engineering...”
Underneath the hearty laughter of the evening’s distinguished guests lay the mirthless laughter of the subjects of the discussion.
In fact, a walk across the room thereafter meant Professor Harber had succeeded in scaring most of us. Said a career-entry student: “Oh dear...I guess I really do have to call it a day...goodnight.”
One by one, they left.
Not me. I took Harber’s words with a pinch of salt and headed to The PiG, the postgraduate club nearby.
And it was there, all credit to the twin spirits called Disobedience and Heineken that I gained added insight into Africa’s discontent with reportage on it by “foreign media.”
No, I'm not drunk.
It started like this.
Someone asked what I found fascinating about South Africa.
“The women’s hips”, I replied, without missing a beat.
My five companions all burst out laughing. I explained that as one challenged in that regard, the amazing way in which the smallest of waists sat gingerly atop the largest of hips had my mouth wide open regularly. Think of a UK size 8 waist fanning out into size 20 hips, or for those not conversant with fashion, think of a baby-faced woman whose upper body is like a grain of rice and the lower half like a watermelon.
Those who could relate were all foreigners, so I turned to the South African sitting next to me and asked what she thought. She shrugged; “...can’t say I have actively noticed it. Maybe it’s because I am used to it.”
Minutes later, as I locked lips with my best friend Heineken, another pretty and hip-endowed female walked past. The others didn’t so much as spare a glance.
As someone else switched to another topic, I scanned through my phone and read the following comment on a journalist’s Facebook page; “We in the Nigerian media are dropping the ball again. We have forgotten that there is a fuel crisis...”
That’s when it hit me.
I made a big deal of South African female hips because it was new to me, as a foreigner. But the others were used to it, complacent since it was always in their face.
It is the same with reporting and journalists. Someone replied to that Facebook post, saying “Amnesia Nigeriana” was responsible. I call it complacence, and daresay it isn’t restricted to Nigerian journalists and the news organizations they work for.
Right now it is apparent that many become so “used to” occurrences and then don’t think some things are an issue, or we think too much of an issue has been made of something. It is a condition that weakens the ordinary citizen, and is debilitating to any journalist and news organization.
We only pause to express hypocritical shock when some “foreign” media body looks at the same issues with fresh eyes, or rehashes them at crucial times when they have more impact. The word foreign is now quoted because this is not a Western Vs African media thing alone. Even within countries and towns, journalists occasionally hide their complacence under the blanket of patriotism by playing up the tribal, ethnic, and national or continental card against the ‘enemy’.
It isn’t enough to say foreign media produce malicious reports and leave it at that, even if they do so. The lesson for journalists and the media I think is to continue (or if necessary STRUGGLE) to see our surrounding social, economical and political spaces with new eyes when reporting.
No journalist should ever “get used to” their immediate surroundings, or anywhere else, I think.
I’m not sure who to blame for this inspiring nugget of wisdom; my disobedience of lecturers’ orders, the beer, or the luscious female South African hips.
All I know is complacence ain't hip—all pun intended.
*Agbroko is the 2010 Niall Fitzgerald scholar doing her Honours degree in Journalism and Media Studies at the University of the Witswatersrand (Wits), Johanneburg, South Africa. She writes this column for www.vuvuzela.org.za, the website for Wits' journalism department.
Monday, February 15, 2010
Not just a statistic
By Ruona Agbroko
Sunday, 14 February 2010 21:08
The only reason I had some recollection of the Wits journalism department’s Justice Project flier was because a sexy looking boy (who I now discover is an unrepentant snob) had one in his hand on orientation day. But all that changed on the afternoon of February 2.
Today I know that “a third of the South African prison population is locked up awaiting trial, many for years. Yet approximately 2 in 5 of these people will eventually be acquitted.”
I know that this—not advertising rhetoric—is the reason Wits law and journalism students work under The Justice Project to investigate cases of people held in prison without trial and those wrongly convicted.
Today I know that these are not just statistics; the realities of human lives make up these numbers.
Why do I know all of this, now? Because a prisoner called me.
Part of the stipulations of my scholarship is that I put in some hours at the department’s administrative office. No day is ever the same, but all are enjoyable, mainly because I have a funky boss I shall call J.
So that Tuesday, I was in the office, trying to study. I however spent more time tolerating irritating calls from students who were somewhat allergic to checking the website or notice boards for where and when their own classes would hold.
And so, after a female trying to sound like Barry White had called in with her allergy, the telephone rang again even before I could make contact with my seat. I almost didn’t take that call.
“Hello, Wits Journalism...” I said, after the brief battle for my soul had been won by Professionalism.
This person continued breathing heavily.
I waited, in case the connection was afflicted by that scientific phenomenon where you speak and have to go to the grocers and back before the person on the other end hears what you have said.
Sure enough, he replied.
“Please I am calling from the prison.”
I almost dropped the receiver.
“How may I help you sir?” I managed to say.
“I believe I am on to the Justice Project... please I need the postal address to your department.”
I told him I had no idea, I was just an office assistant and...
He cut me off in mid-sentence.
“Please, understand I am calling from a prison. I do not know if I will have this opportunity again... Do you understand?”
I told him yes. Because I did.
My mother has worked with the Nigerian Prisons Service for over 30 years. I have visited the various prisons in the country where she worked as her child and only go now as a journalist, undercover, without her knowledge.
The conditions have improved, but they are still far from acceptable. The figures are as dismal as South Africa’s; government officials in 2009 said of 47,815 inmates unevenly spread across Nigeria’s 227 prisons, 80 percent await trial.
There are children living with prisoner-mothers, men detained for between five and ten years, sometimes more. Occasional aid during prison terms and rehabilitation after release are often the responsibility of religious and humanitarian organizations.
Local newspaper reports in Nigeria quote authorities as saying these organizations have helped reduce prisoner death rates to about 89 from 1,500 every year. Inside, there are no phones, and certainly no Justice Project-like initiative that I know of.
Investigating a story about preferential treatment for celebrity prisoners in December 2009, the spokesperson for all prisons in Nigeria’s Lagos State barked at us; “I have 4,500 inmates here; 80 per cent of who are awaiting trials, we are not happy with that. Instead of focusing on one person, let us talk about how we can decongest the prison.”
But because I know first-hand that focusing on one person instead of allowing all prisoners suffer injustice under the tag “criminals” makes the difference to penal systems, I used my free arm to make a mess of the office until I was reading out a postal address from some official letter to that faceless prisoner.
I hope he gets his day in court.
*Agbroko is the 2010 Niall Fitzgerald scholar doing her Honours degree in Journalism and Media Studies at the University of the Witswatersrand (Wits), Johanneburg, South Africa. She writes this column for www.vuvuzela.org.za, the website for Wits' journalism department.
***PHOTO CREDIT: policelink.monster.com
Tuesday, February 9, 2010
“You’ll know Wits when you see it”
By Ruona Agbroko
Monday, 08 February 2010 10:21
Well before I knew that passers-by here (in South Africa) often describe five-kilometre walks with the words “it isn’t far...turn at the third robot and walk straight...”, I asked this middle-aged man clutching a big Bible at Ghandi Square which way it was to Wits’ Braamfontein campus.
It wasn’t the Bible that made me feel he would know. It was the amusing fact that the fingers of his other hand were home to a half-smoked Stuyvesant.
“Where are you coming from?” he asked. Like that mattered more than where I was going.
I explained that I lived in Sandton, and was running late for my first day of registration at Wits.
“What country are you from,” he replied instead.
I stifled the urge to utter a swear-word at no one in particular. You see, my mum in Nigeria wouldn’t approve.
At last he prescribed the usual number of robots, graciously threw in some street names and even called me ‘baby’ for effect.
Our conversation was stunted by our respective accents, and the only thing I came away with was; “You’ll know Wits when you see it....you can’t miss it!”
How right he was.
It wasn’t the big signs, period facades or the large numbers of people dressed in neon colours that made me really “know” when I got to Wits.
It was a gay couple sitting on some bench, holding hands and talking intimately, as the rest of the school milled past.
I could have hugged them, only it would’ve been rude to invade their privacy. I hadn’t yet explored the rest of the school, but instinct told me this was a place where being a student didn’t mean you’d have to sacrifice your individuality.
I would later confirm that there were associations actively celebrating and strengthening social cohesion along national, social and religious divides.
It was with glee I noted the array of sports clubs, never mind that I wouldn’t be joining any. All of this paled when I came across the independence and delightful irreverence of Vuvuzela. All of this I guessed I would encounter in the few seconds I gawked at this gay couple.
But you really can’t blame me. Here, the Student Representative Committee looks out for students, even sitting in on committees to plead the case of some with poor academic performance. In my last years at the Nigerian university where I studied Microbiology, dress codes had been issued for ALL students.
The Student Union had been scrapped totally, with all students evicted from residence by police using tear-gas when SOME destroyed property during a demonstration against a major hike in accommodation fees.
In a country where being gay is punishable with imprisonment and stigmatisation, you can imagine how liberating it was to see this couple.
And so, brimming with excitement at making registration on time as well as with the prospect of being a Witsie, I turned to the couple—as any fellow Witsie should—and said; “Hi, guys! Lovely day isn’t it?”
The handsome one with the asymmetric –cut blonde hair took his mouth off his partner’s head to reply; “Fuck off, will ya?”
I considered the statement for a nanosecond with my head tilted to one side, brows furrowed in concentration.
I concluded it had to be campus-speak for; “Shouldn’t you run along now, newbie?”
Feeling a smile break out over my face, I turned in the opposite direction.
And gladly proceeded to fuck off.
*Agbroko is the 2010 Niall Fitzgerald scholar doing her Honours degree in Journalism and Media Studies at the University of the Witswatersrand (Wits), Johanneburg, South Africa. She writes this column for www.vuvuzela.org.za, the website for Wits' journalism department.
Tuesday, February 2, 2010
Agbroko, NEXT reporter wins award
January 26, 2010 02:00AM
NEXT reporter Ruona Agbroko has won the 2010 edition of the FitzGerald Prize for Young African Journalist.
A statement by Matthew Tostevin, Editor, Africa at Reuters says the prize qualifies her to undergo “an honours course in Journalism at Wits University in Johannesburg this year before joining a Reuters Bureau for an internship.”
Reward for hard work
The statement added, “The prize drew applications from across Africa and Ms. Agbroko won against tough competition. ...she works for Nigeria’s ground breaking independent newspaper, NEXT, and has produced outstanding reporting on difficult subjects.
Her father, a journalist who proudly defended editorial independence despite pressures from many quarters, was murdered in 2006.”
On winning the prize Ms. Agbroko said, “I am really grateful to have this opportunity. It has changed my life just to go this far. It is proof that practising transparency in journalism is not a lost cause. My father was killed for his work as a journalist and this is a huge thing for me to have this chance.”
The prestigious FitzGerald Prize was established to give opportunities to young African journalists who have already shown great promise. It is named after Niall FitzGerald, co-Deputy Chairman of Thomson Reuters, who has a long association with Africa, having served as Chief Executive Officer of Unilever’s foods business in South Africa in the early 1980s. He also co-chairs the Investment Climate Facility (ICF) for Africa.
*Photo by REUTERS
Tuesday, December 29, 2009
Al-Qaeda takes responsibility for US terror attempt
By Ruona Agbroko
December 29, 2009 10:26AMT
Al-Qaeda, the infamous terrorist group behind the September 11 US bombings, in which thousands died, on Monday claimed responsibility for the failed Christmas Day attack in which Nigerian Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab tried to blow up an airliner as it landed in Detroit.
According to an Internet statement on Islamist websites, the organisation said it had given "Umar Farouk al-Nigiri" (which translates to ‘the Nigerian'), a "technically advanced device" which however failed to work at full capacity.
The group claimed the attack was in reaction to U.S. attacks on its Yemen arm.The news corroborates earlier statements credited to Mr. Muttalab during his preliminary interrogation by US authorities
On trial
Also, on Monday, the United States District Court for the East District of Michigan yesterday cancelled its first hearing on a case filed by the FBI against Mr. Mutallab.
No reason was given for the cancellation of the hearing, which was scheduled to hold before U.S. District Judge Paul Borman.
"The hearing has been cancelled," said U.S. Attorney's spokesperson Gina Balaya. "I was not given a reason for the cancellation."
But media reports state that prosecutors are aiming to get a search warrant to enable them to collect DNA from Mr. Abdulmutallab, who is being held in a federal prison in Michigan. This is presumably to determine if Mr. Abdulmutallab has links to other crimes or terror plots prior to his arrest on December 25.
In an affidavit dated December 26, 2009, Special Agent James Peissig of the FBI submitted the facts of the case against Mr. Abdulmutallab as follows: "that Mr. Mutallab was in violation of US Code Title 18, Section 32, which is the destruction of an aircraft or aircraft facilities, or the willful attempt to do so."
Bail for Mr. Abdulmutallab is scheduled to be set at a January 8 hearing in Detroit.
Tracing the failure
Meanwhile, U.S. and British authorities admitted that lapses in visa and airport security systems may have allowed Mr. Abdulmutallab's preparation for his plot to go unnoticed.In a television interview on NBC's Today Show, when asked if the system "failed miserably," U.S. Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano replied: "It did. And that's why we are asking - ‘how did this individual get on the plane? Why wasn't the explosive material detected? What do we need to do to change?" The last question referred to the security watch list rules.
British Home Secretary Alan Johnson confirmed that Mr. Abdulmutallab had been put on a U.K. watch list after he was refused a student visa following an application to study at a bogus college. But he was still able to get a U.S. visa, which was issued in London.
Also, an investigative report by America's CBS News yesterday revealed that the State Department system designed to keep track of active U.S. visas twice failed to reveal that Mr, Abdulmutallab had been issued an active visa allowing him multiple entries into America.
"According to a law enforcement source, the first failure came on November 19, 2009, the very same day (Mr.) Abdulmutallab father's, Dr. Umaru Mutallab, a prominent banking official in Nigeria, expressed deep concern to officials at the U.S. Embassy in Abjua, Nigeria, that his 23-year-old son had fallen under the influence of "religious extremists" in Yemen," the report read in part.
According to CBS News, "the second failure to flag an active visa belonging to Abdulmuttalab occurred the very next day - November 20 - in Washington after Dr. Mutallab's concerns were forwarded to officials there. It was only after the Christmas Day terror attack in Detroit that U.S. officials learned that Abdulmuttalab had been issued a visa by the U.S. Embassy in London valid from June 16, 2008 through June 12, 2010."
Mr. Abdulmutallab was on a broad U.S. terrorist watch list but he was not designated for special screening measures or placed on a no-fly list because of a dearth of specific information about his activities, Ms. Napolitano said.
A White House spokesman said President Barack Obama had ordered a review of how suspects' names are added to counter-terrorism watch lists.
Amsterdam airport speaks
Officials of the Schipol Airport in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, where Mr. Muttalab's flight passed enroute to Detroit, also spoke on the issue.
The CNBC reports that "spokesperson Marianne Debie confirmed that the reason the airport does not use scanners on American flights is because the "US government did not approve the use of the machines for American passengers."
Ms. Debie also said there is strong opposition to widespread use of the machines by the European Union due to privacy concerns. Germany refuses to use the machines, for instance.
She revealed that following the incident, the airport now has 17 scanners, and is working to obtain advanced scanners that are more anonymous. Ms. Debie also said Schipol airport wants to use the scanners everywhere but scanning is voluntary for those subjected to it; officials believe it should not be voluntary.
December 29, 2009 10:26AMT
Al-Qaeda, the infamous terrorist group behind the September 11 US bombings, in which thousands died, on Monday claimed responsibility for the failed Christmas Day attack in which Nigerian Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab tried to blow up an airliner as it landed in Detroit.
According to an Internet statement on Islamist websites, the organisation said it had given "Umar Farouk al-Nigiri" (which translates to ‘the Nigerian'), a "technically advanced device" which however failed to work at full capacity.
The group claimed the attack was in reaction to U.S. attacks on its Yemen arm.The news corroborates earlier statements credited to Mr. Muttalab during his preliminary interrogation by US authorities
On trial
Also, on Monday, the United States District Court for the East District of Michigan yesterday cancelled its first hearing on a case filed by the FBI against Mr. Mutallab.
No reason was given for the cancellation of the hearing, which was scheduled to hold before U.S. District Judge Paul Borman.
"The hearing has been cancelled," said U.S. Attorney's spokesperson Gina Balaya. "I was not given a reason for the cancellation."
But media reports state that prosecutors are aiming to get a search warrant to enable them to collect DNA from Mr. Abdulmutallab, who is being held in a federal prison in Michigan. This is presumably to determine if Mr. Abdulmutallab has links to other crimes or terror plots prior to his arrest on December 25.
In an affidavit dated December 26, 2009, Special Agent James Peissig of the FBI submitted the facts of the case against Mr. Abdulmutallab as follows: "that Mr. Mutallab was in violation of US Code Title 18, Section 32, which is the destruction of an aircraft or aircraft facilities, or the willful attempt to do so."
Bail for Mr. Abdulmutallab is scheduled to be set at a January 8 hearing in Detroit.
Tracing the failure
Meanwhile, U.S. and British authorities admitted that lapses in visa and airport security systems may have allowed Mr. Abdulmutallab's preparation for his plot to go unnoticed.In a television interview on NBC's Today Show, when asked if the system "failed miserably," U.S. Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano replied: "It did. And that's why we are asking - ‘how did this individual get on the plane? Why wasn't the explosive material detected? What do we need to do to change?" The last question referred to the security watch list rules.
British Home Secretary Alan Johnson confirmed that Mr. Abdulmutallab had been put on a U.K. watch list after he was refused a student visa following an application to study at a bogus college. But he was still able to get a U.S. visa, which was issued in London.
Also, an investigative report by America's CBS News yesterday revealed that the State Department system designed to keep track of active U.S. visas twice failed to reveal that Mr, Abdulmutallab had been issued an active visa allowing him multiple entries into America.
"According to a law enforcement source, the first failure came on November 19, 2009, the very same day (Mr.) Abdulmutallab father's, Dr. Umaru Mutallab, a prominent banking official in Nigeria, expressed deep concern to officials at the U.S. Embassy in Abjua, Nigeria, that his 23-year-old son had fallen under the influence of "religious extremists" in Yemen," the report read in part.
According to CBS News, "the second failure to flag an active visa belonging to Abdulmuttalab occurred the very next day - November 20 - in Washington after Dr. Mutallab's concerns were forwarded to officials there. It was only after the Christmas Day terror attack in Detroit that U.S. officials learned that Abdulmuttalab had been issued a visa by the U.S. Embassy in London valid from June 16, 2008 through June 12, 2010."
Mr. Abdulmutallab was on a broad U.S. terrorist watch list but he was not designated for special screening measures or placed on a no-fly list because of a dearth of specific information about his activities, Ms. Napolitano said.
A White House spokesman said President Barack Obama had ordered a review of how suspects' names are added to counter-terrorism watch lists.
Amsterdam airport speaks
Officials of the Schipol Airport in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, where Mr. Muttalab's flight passed enroute to Detroit, also spoke on the issue.
The CNBC reports that "spokesperson Marianne Debie confirmed that the reason the airport does not use scanners on American flights is because the "US government did not approve the use of the machines for American passengers."
Ms. Debie also said there is strong opposition to widespread use of the machines by the European Union due to privacy concerns. Germany refuses to use the machines, for instance.
She revealed that following the incident, the airport now has 17 scanners, and is working to obtain advanced scanners that are more anonymous. Ms. Debie also said Schipol airport wants to use the scanners everywhere but scanning is voluntary for those subjected to it; officials believe it should not be voluntary.
Sunday, December 13, 2009
The man on the cusp of history
By Ruona Agbroko
December 13, 2009 12:39AMT
The widely-reported clamour for the resignation of Nigeria's Vice President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan [pictured] is one in a series of challenges that have marked all 10 years of his stint as a politician. But, apparently, Mr. Jonathan's "talisman" is his first name.
Mr. Jonathan was born November 20, 1957 in Otuoke in Ogbia Local Council of the then Rivers State, now Bayelsa State. His father, Lawrence Ebele Jonathan, was a canoe carver but his childhood friend, Johnny Turner, now a traditional ruler in the state, disclosed in 2007 that the elder Mr. Jonathan's hard work ensured young Goodluck and his siblings enjoyed formal education.
The man who would later be Nigeria's Vice President began his education in what is today Bayelsa State, beginning with primary school in Otuoke and Oloibiri. He bagged a West African School Certificate in 1975 after studies at Mater Dei High School, Imiringi.
Mr. Jonathan thereafter worked for two years as an officer in the Department of Customs and Excise, leaving in 1977 to undertake a degree in Zoology at the University of Port Harcourt.
After receiving a B.Sc in 1981, he began his career as an academic at the Department of Biology at the Rivers State College of Education, Port Harcourt. He left in 1993 to take up appointment as an Assistant Director in the defunct Oil Mineral Producing Areas Development Commission (OMPADEC).
Two years later in 1995, he was awarded a Ph.D in Zoology by the University of Port Harcourt; a follow-up to a 1985 M.Sc. degree in Hydro-Biology and Fisheries Biology, also from the same institution.
The road to Politics
Nicknamed ‘Azikiwe' after Nigeria's first president by his grandmother, Mr. Jonathan was House Prefect in years four and five during his high school days, as well as Secretary to the School Food Committee, and Chairman of the Committee of Prefects. He was also elected Representative of the Congress in the Senior Staff Appointments and Promotions Committee at the Rivers State College of Education until 1993. However, about five years later, Mr. Jonathan would shed his academic robes and move into mainstream politics.
What's in a name?
On October 1, 1996, Bayelsa State was created out of the old Rivers State and Mr. Jonathan's Ogbia Council happened to fall into Bayelsa State. Not only was a new state created, a new political arena now emerged, compared to the politically-advanced Rivers State. By 1999, Mr. Jonathan had joined the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and was picked as running-mate to Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, the party's gubernatorial candidate. Both won a second term in 2003, but the coincidence of Mr. Jonathan's first name made news headlines when, as Deputy Governor, he replaced Mr. Alamieyeseigha. The governor had been impeached by the state Assembly after being charged with money laundering in the United Kingdom. Mr. Jonathan served as Governor of Bayelsa State from December 9, 2005 to May 28, 2007.
In September 2006, $13.5 million dollars was seized from Mr. Jonathan's wife, Patience, by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). Mrs. Jonathan, who has two children, was charged with money laundering and related offences.
December 13, 2009 12:39AMT
The widely-reported clamour for the resignation of Nigeria's Vice President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan [pictured] is one in a series of challenges that have marked all 10 years of his stint as a politician. But, apparently, Mr. Jonathan's "talisman" is his first name.
Mr. Jonathan was born November 20, 1957 in Otuoke in Ogbia Local Council of the then Rivers State, now Bayelsa State. His father, Lawrence Ebele Jonathan, was a canoe carver but his childhood friend, Johnny Turner, now a traditional ruler in the state, disclosed in 2007 that the elder Mr. Jonathan's hard work ensured young Goodluck and his siblings enjoyed formal education.
The man who would later be Nigeria's Vice President began his education in what is today Bayelsa State, beginning with primary school in Otuoke and Oloibiri. He bagged a West African School Certificate in 1975 after studies at Mater Dei High School, Imiringi.
Mr. Jonathan thereafter worked for two years as an officer in the Department of Customs and Excise, leaving in 1977 to undertake a degree in Zoology at the University of Port Harcourt.
After receiving a B.Sc in 1981, he began his career as an academic at the Department of Biology at the Rivers State College of Education, Port Harcourt. He left in 1993 to take up appointment as an Assistant Director in the defunct Oil Mineral Producing Areas Development Commission (OMPADEC).
Two years later in 1995, he was awarded a Ph.D in Zoology by the University of Port Harcourt; a follow-up to a 1985 M.Sc. degree in Hydro-Biology and Fisheries Biology, also from the same institution.
The road to Politics
Nicknamed ‘Azikiwe' after Nigeria's first president by his grandmother, Mr. Jonathan was House Prefect in years four and five during his high school days, as well as Secretary to the School Food Committee, and Chairman of the Committee of Prefects. He was also elected Representative of the Congress in the Senior Staff Appointments and Promotions Committee at the Rivers State College of Education until 1993. However, about five years later, Mr. Jonathan would shed his academic robes and move into mainstream politics.
What's in a name?
On October 1, 1996, Bayelsa State was created out of the old Rivers State and Mr. Jonathan's Ogbia Council happened to fall into Bayelsa State. Not only was a new state created, a new political arena now emerged, compared to the politically-advanced Rivers State. By 1999, Mr. Jonathan had joined the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and was picked as running-mate to Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, the party's gubernatorial candidate. Both won a second term in 2003, but the coincidence of Mr. Jonathan's first name made news headlines when, as Deputy Governor, he replaced Mr. Alamieyeseigha. The governor had been impeached by the state Assembly after being charged with money laundering in the United Kingdom. Mr. Jonathan served as Governor of Bayelsa State from December 9, 2005 to May 28, 2007.
In September 2006, $13.5 million dollars was seized from Mr. Jonathan's wife, Patience, by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). Mrs. Jonathan, who has two children, was charged with money laundering and related offences.
Despite this, Mr. Jonathan celebrated a career-rise in December 2006, just three months later. While working on his own relection as governor of his home state, to his own surprise, he was selected as running mate to Umaru Yar'Adua as the PDP's candidates in the presidential election in April 2007.
Again, luck was Mr. Jonathan's companion as he escaped an alleged assassination attempt on April 20, 2007 in Bayelsa State as election day drew near. Then on May 16, 2007, Mr. Jonathan lived up to his name when militants blew up his country home at a time he was away. Two policemen died in the incident.
Since he was sworn in as Vice-President of Nigeria on May 29, 2007, Mr. Jonathan has managed to remain under the political radar.
He is only now in the centre of the storm on account of Mr. Yar Adua's absence from the seat of power due to ill health. The easy mien of the politician still stands him in good stead amidst the turbulence of the politics of the Nigerian presidency. But as past events show, the quiet canoe carver's son may yet manage to stay afloat as he continues his decade-long journey through Nigeria's troubled political waters.
*Photograph by NEXT
Saturday, November 21, 2009
Ribadu's lawyers react to warrant of arrest
By Ruona Agbroko November 21, 2009
Lawyers to Nuhu Ribadu [pictured] have voiced their disapproval of a decision by the Code of Conduct Tribunal on Friday, requesting the Inspector General of Police to issue a warrant of arrest to compel the former chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to appear before it.
“This situation shows that the tribunal members have failed to appreciate the facts of the case before them,” Shola Egbeyinka, one of Mr. Ribadu’s lawyers told NEXT in a telephone interview on Friday evening.
The chairman of the tribunal is Justice Constance Momoh, while Murtala Sanni Adebayor and P.A.O. Oluyede are members.
In February 2009, the Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Michael Aondoakaa filed case number CCT/ABJ/01/2009, accusing Mr. Ribadu of not declaring his assets to the Code of Conduct Bureau while in office from March, 2003 to December, 2008.
But Mr. Egbeyinka said not only had his client submitted these forms as at when due, but a formal request for the certified copies of the asset declaration forms had been made to the Code of Conduct Bureau twice through its counsel, with no results.
“We wrote two letters on September 23rd which was signed by Mr. Femi Falana and a reminder on the 5th of October requesting for the certified true copies,” he said.
Mr. Egbeyinka said that the prosecution confirmed this at Friday’s hearing before the Code of Conduct Tribunal.
“Prosecution counsel Kyari Ahmed admitted that he received the letters but he was so busy that he could not attend to that.”
He added that the documents played a key role in proving Mr. Ribadu’s case, especially as the matter was assuming new dimensions.
“As it is now, it is an unfortunate situation because you cannot enforce the warrant of arrest outside the country. This will now involve other nations, and extradition processes as well,” Mr. Egbeyinka said.
*Photograph by NEXT
Monday, November 16, 2009
Journalists fault proposed press bill
November 16, 2009 04:35AMT
Journalists across the country will, today, voice their opposition to a Bill which seeks to establish a Nigerian Press and Practice of Journalism Council at a public hearing holding at the National Assembly, Abuja.
Sponsored by Abike Dabiri, a broadcast journalist representing Ikorodu, Lagos, the Bill seeks to repeal the Nigerian Press Council Act of 1992 which seeks to, “promote high professional standards for the Nigerian Press”, as well as deal with complaints about the conduct of journalists and media houses and vice-versa.
However, prominent journalists have described the Bill as “a wasteful exercise” which is “discriminatory and unconstitutional.”
The Editor-in-Chief of Media Review, Lanre Idowu, told NEXT in a telephone interview that many sections of the 35-page document which detailed the Bill “are a cause for concern.”
“From what I have seen so far, it is an attempt to marry three different Bills together, including the Journalism Practice Enhancement Bill and the old Nigeria Press Council Bill. By so doing, what we have is a child with distorted features,” he said.
The President of the Nigerian Guild of Editors, Gbenga Adefaye [pictured], said the Bill itself is “laughable.” According to him, “They don’t seem to understand that the Constitution makes the media practice a business and it is discriminatory to pick a particular business and try to legislate on it this way.”
Mr. Idowu, on his part, has an issue with the name of the Bill. He said, “It shows that there is a lot of confusion over what it’s supposed to achieve, and there are some funny, objectionable clauses that were rejected in the old Press Council law which have found their way back into this one.”
That is talking of fining people N250,000 and or imprisonment. When we talk about a Press Council law, we are talking about moral, ethical changes that can be resolved without necessarily ending in the law courts. They might not be criminal matters,” he said.
Lessons in history
On his opinion on Section 35 (Conditions of Service) which stipulates that journalists are to be paid “at least not less than 20 per cent above those paid to staff in government parastatals and private companies,” Mr. Adefaye said the precedents of the legislators will likely end up working against their purposes.
“This is the same House of Reps that has had with it for years the Freedom of Information Bill which is supposed to help us have informed governance and create an informed citizenry. I will take it that they are concerned about professionalising the Press, and that is fine. But they want to legislate on salaries. By our Constitution, you legislate on the minimum wage, the only other place where you legislate on income is as may be done for public officers by the RMAFC. Salaries are negotiated between workers and management. So for you to set aside the press and legislate on these salaries without the consideration of the earning power of these businesses is discriminatory. This is one aspect of the Bill that is ugly.”
Mr. Idowu said he finds Section 33 (Appointment as Editor) of the Bill incomprehensible.
“It says the person must have attained the age of 25 years, yet must have worked for 10 years. How is it possible for someone who has 10 years experience in media work to be 25 years?”
Also speaking on Section 16, Mr. Idowu said; “there is some provision for having a media practitioner complaints commission (MPCC) in all states, nine members in 37 locations, that’s 333 members, and all of them will draw allowances. I think it is a waste of our resources and time.”
Guild of Editors react
Ahead of today’s hearing, the Nigerian Guild of Editors issued a statement yesterday which said of the Bill; “there is hardly any redeeming value in its 12 parts and 79 sections. The Guild is shocked that this travesty carries the name of a distinguished journalist, Mrs. Abike Dabiri-Erewa, as sponsor.”
The coalition of editors described the planned Media Practitioner Complaint Commission as “an answer to the prayer of those who have sort to criminalise libel.” The section imposes fines from N50,000 for journalists to N100,000 or suspension for media organisations.
The Guild statement said; “This punitive position is unacceptable, especially at a time when the industry has set up a self-regulatory mechanism – the Press Ombudsman – to deal with press complaints. The Press Ombudsman should be given a chance to work.
The Guild also voiced its disapproval of Section 10 of the Bill which requires the members of the proposed Journalism Council to swear to an oath of secrecy, saying, “This may be a standard ritual in government offices, but journalism is about revelation and conflict.”
But the sponsor of the controversial bill, Mrs. Dabiri-Erewa told NEXT in a telephone interview last night that “the final outcome is what matters.” According to her, “I expect a gathering of all stakeholders. It’s a proposal. Let them all come to the public hearing, tear it to pieces and let’s produce what we want for the Nigerian media period.”
She added, “The Guild (of Editors), NPAN, NUJ, let’s sit together, amongst all of them will be a technical group that will work on it, remove what you don’t want, add what you want. That’s the essence. We cannot sit down and do nothing.”
When asked about the pending Freedom of Information Bill and the Nigerian Press Council Bill of 2004, Mrs. Dabiri-Erewa replied; “This is the Press Council Bill (of 2004). There is a misconception, they don’t seem to understand. Now, they will understand better when everybody comes.”
*Photograph by NEXT
Tuesday, October 20, 2009
This year, no prize for African leaders
By Ruona Agbroko
October 19, 2009 10:51PMT
October 19, 2009 10:51PMT
Following the sharply divided opinions after this year's Nobel Peace Prize, it seems to be a season of award controversies as, just three editions on, the organisers of the renowned Ibrahim Prize for Achievement in African Leadership seem to have found no leaders worthy of the $5 million prize money.
Aimed at celebrating good governance in Africa, the winner of the Achievement in African Leadership prize gets $5 million over 10 years and $200,000 annually for life.
Aimed at celebrating good governance in Africa, the winner of the Achievement in African Leadership prize gets $5 million over 10 years and $200,000 annually for life.
What Nigerians think
Some Nigerians have reacted to the development, with Pat Utomi, a presidential candidate in Nigeria's 2007 elections describing it as ‘a sad drift of leadership on the continent'.
Speaking to NEXT by telephone, Mr. Utomi said "I think it's a good thing that they keep the bar high, and not just give the prizes because another year has come around. First generation African leaders like [Julius] Nyerere, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa and Awolowo were people who made a great deal of personal sacrifices for the good of their communities. You see less of that on the horizon in Africa in recent years."
Professor Remi Anifowoshe, former Head of the Political Science Department at the University of Lagos, told NEXT he was not caught unawares by the announcement, which was broadcast worldwide yesterday afternoon.
"Some African leaders had no regard for constitutionalism; their attitude to the opposition was unbecoming and the level of poverty under them increased. Based on this award, it means that from east to west, north, south, none of them deserve it," he said.
A "narrow pool"
The prize is awarded to a democratically elected former African heads of state who have left office in the past three years.
Mr. Utomi said this condition significantly narrowed eligibility.
"The fact that the prize limits itself to people in power makes it very challenging because not too many people are in power for the right reasons and act in a way that will make them get that prize. You have a very small pool. The most important leadership contributions in my view, in Africa have been from people who are not in politics, not in government; who are in civil society, or the academia."
Dean of the Department of Political Science at the University of Lagos, Professor Kayode Soremekun, told NEXT that the "sit-tight" habit of African leaders might have inadvertently disqualified them.
"Probably, what it means is that the entire continent is one landscape of bad governance. The fact that it is awarded to former presidents might be the reason there was no winner, he said.
"If they were clowning, they would have given it to Babangida," Mr. Soremekun deadpanned.
Lessons in leadership
Moshood Erubami of the Transition Monitoring Group, a coalition of 63 human rights and civil society organisations, says there are lessons to be learned from the situation.
"The message is that when these leaders are in power, they should make sure they create discernible positive change in the life of their people. So when next they are considered, those positive indicators will speak for them."
Professor Soremekun however believes that the prize comes with mixed blessings.
"What it means is that there is a barometer measuring the pressure of good leadership. At least, there is an incentive now. But this incentive in itself is like a backhand compliment because nobody gives any prize for good leadership in Europe, or Asia. It could be assumed that Africa is a laggard in this regard."
For Mr. Utomi there may yet be a silver lining. "There is the dearth of shame among the elite here, so if this will inspire some people about a generational sense of shame, maybe it will serve us well that we didn't get a prize winner this year," he said.
Monday, October 19, 2009
The significance of Dele Giwa’s death, by journalists
By Ruona Agbroko
October 19, 2009 01:49AMT
October 19, 2009 01:49AMT
Twenty-three years after the founding Editor of Newswatch, Dele Giwa [pictured], was killed by a parcel bomb, his colleague and friend, Ray Ekpu, the chief executive officer of Newswatch Communications Limited, says “nothing has changed.”
Speaking with NEXT by telephone yesterday, Mr. Ekpu said the date, October 19, 1986 “is significant because of the nature of his death. That significance is highlighted by the fact that in subsequent years, a number of journalists have been murdered by forces known and unknown in the course of their work and that indicates to you that if anything has changed, it’s changed for the worse, for the journalism profession, and for journalists who are practising in Nigeria.”
Other journalists have also described Mr. Giwa’s death as the “opening of a very sad chapter in the history of journalism which has not been closed.”
Gbenga Adefaye, Chairman of the Nigerian Guild of Editors, said; “it is a very significant date for the practice of this profession because it introduced a new dimension. Journalism became something people could die for, be killed for.”
Lanre Arogundade, Co-ordinator of the International Press Centre, Ogba, Lagos said today “marks a black spot on the media calendar in Nigeria because that was the first time that a journalist would be brutally assassinated... through a parcel bomb, for that matter.”
Every media practitioner spoken to expressed disappointment that Mr. Giwa’s killers remain unnamed.
Wahab Oba, Chairman of the Nigerian Union of Journalists, Lagos Chapter, called the development a serious threat. “For us as a union, we see it as a critical challenge to continue everything to stop this trend. The fact that almost 23 years on, the government has not been able to unveil those behind it is a major shortfall on their part.”
For Mr. Arogundade, the killing “raises a big question as to how safe the journalist is in this country today.”
He said, “Because Dele Giwa’s murder remains unsolved, the perpetuators have the confidence to continue to murder journalists. ”
Where were you on October 19, 1986?
Mr. Arogundade had just finished his National Youth Service and was hoping to “just walk into Newswatch, introduce myself and drop an application” when Mr. Giwa was bombed. When it happened, there was no way you could talk about going there. It was something that made one to wonder the nature of the profession one was about to enter, but here I am,” he said.
Mr. Adefaye told NEXT he was already a practising journalist, with the Vanguard, and so didn’t think of leaving the job. “I was devastated and frightened, given the way he was killed. But I didn’t become a journalist by accident or because I couldn’t get a job. So it wasn’t something that made me want to leave the profession, because you could die anywhere, in any case. One could die of food poisoning, by accidents, or of natural causes.”
Mr. Oba on the other hand, was still an undergraduate and found added conviction to be a journalist in Giwa’s death. “Not very long before, he came to our campus at the University of Ilorin and told us that ‘as a journalist, you will make it’. He was an icon to us. To hear that he was murdered was so sad. There were some of us who thereafter chose this profession and decided that we would be like Dele Giwa. We felt that the aim was not to get rich, to be a millionaire, but to expose evil in the society, to let life be meaningful for others and to represent others.”
Effect of Giwa’s death on the profession
The journalists are of the opinion that the print media in Nigeria is growing despite the adverse conditions in which its practitioners work.
Mr. Ekpu was quick to point out that “every profession has its downsides, and its upsides. Journalism is no exception. There are risks, all types of risks involved, and nobody can hope to practise any profession sans risk. You take journalism as a whole; the grind and the glamour, the burdens and the benefits, they all go together. So it is not enough; the fact that people are exposed to these risks, they pay the ultimate price...it is not enough for anyone who wants to practise journalism to shy away from it.” Mr. Oba summed up his opinions with what he described as the immortality of journalism “Today, 23 years after, Dele Giwa is still being remembered.
A lot of people have died without anybody knowing or remembering. The life of a journalist is worth living, provided you do the job well.”
Speaking with NEXT by telephone yesterday, Mr. Ekpu said the date, October 19, 1986 “is significant because of the nature of his death. That significance is highlighted by the fact that in subsequent years, a number of journalists have been murdered by forces known and unknown in the course of their work and that indicates to you that if anything has changed, it’s changed for the worse, for the journalism profession, and for journalists who are practising in Nigeria.”
Other journalists have also described Mr. Giwa’s death as the “opening of a very sad chapter in the history of journalism which has not been closed.”
Gbenga Adefaye, Chairman of the Nigerian Guild of Editors, said; “it is a very significant date for the practice of this profession because it introduced a new dimension. Journalism became something people could die for, be killed for.”
Lanre Arogundade, Co-ordinator of the International Press Centre, Ogba, Lagos said today “marks a black spot on the media calendar in Nigeria because that was the first time that a journalist would be brutally assassinated... through a parcel bomb, for that matter.”
Every media practitioner spoken to expressed disappointment that Mr. Giwa’s killers remain unnamed.
Wahab Oba, Chairman of the Nigerian Union of Journalists, Lagos Chapter, called the development a serious threat. “For us as a union, we see it as a critical challenge to continue everything to stop this trend. The fact that almost 23 years on, the government has not been able to unveil those behind it is a major shortfall on their part.”
For Mr. Arogundade, the killing “raises a big question as to how safe the journalist is in this country today.”
He said, “Because Dele Giwa’s murder remains unsolved, the perpetuators have the confidence to continue to murder journalists. ”
Where were you on October 19, 1986?
Mr. Arogundade had just finished his National Youth Service and was hoping to “just walk into Newswatch, introduce myself and drop an application” when Mr. Giwa was bombed. When it happened, there was no way you could talk about going there. It was something that made one to wonder the nature of the profession one was about to enter, but here I am,” he said.
Mr. Adefaye told NEXT he was already a practising journalist, with the Vanguard, and so didn’t think of leaving the job. “I was devastated and frightened, given the way he was killed. But I didn’t become a journalist by accident or because I couldn’t get a job. So it wasn’t something that made me want to leave the profession, because you could die anywhere, in any case. One could die of food poisoning, by accidents, or of natural causes.”
Mr. Oba on the other hand, was still an undergraduate and found added conviction to be a journalist in Giwa’s death. “Not very long before, he came to our campus at the University of Ilorin and told us that ‘as a journalist, you will make it’. He was an icon to us. To hear that he was murdered was so sad. There were some of us who thereafter chose this profession and decided that we would be like Dele Giwa. We felt that the aim was not to get rich, to be a millionaire, but to expose evil in the society, to let life be meaningful for others and to represent others.”
Effect of Giwa’s death on the profession
The journalists are of the opinion that the print media in Nigeria is growing despite the adverse conditions in which its practitioners work.
Mr. Ekpu was quick to point out that “every profession has its downsides, and its upsides. Journalism is no exception. There are risks, all types of risks involved, and nobody can hope to practise any profession sans risk. You take journalism as a whole; the grind and the glamour, the burdens and the benefits, they all go together. So it is not enough; the fact that people are exposed to these risks, they pay the ultimate price...it is not enough for anyone who wants to practise journalism to shy away from it.” Mr. Oba summed up his opinions with what he described as the immortality of journalism “Today, 23 years after, Dele Giwa is still being remembered.
A lot of people have died without anybody knowing or remembering. The life of a journalist is worth living, provided you do the job well.”
*Photo from Oludare Lasisi
Spilling the blood of protesters in Garden City
By Ruona Agbroko
October 18, 2009 12:12PMT
October 18, 2009 12:12PMT
They lived in a vast shanty town, but the ramshackle community was built on valuable waterfront land coveted by the powerful. In their continuing protest against forcible removal by the state government to make way for a new private development, the residents of this Port Harcourt slum are now paying for their resistance in blood.
Five people are declared missing and more feared dead, with at least another 11 people nursing gunshot injuries. Several others say they were clubbed, whipped and had their personal effects looted by law enforcement officials during a particularly bloody crackdown on Monday October 12. Police are reported to have downplayed the casualty rate.
Five people are declared missing and more feared dead, with at least another 11 people nursing gunshot injuries. Several others say they were clubbed, whipped and had their personal effects looted by law enforcement officials during a particularly bloody crackdown on Monday October 12. Police are reported to have downplayed the casualty rate.
Eyewitnesses say that officers of the police force and army initially drove through a crowd staging a peaceful protest to disperse it. The security officials later came back; shooting in the air and also directly at the people, before marching through the waterfront community to lash out at and beat the protesters for well over an hour. Israel Okorie was chanting anti-government slogans when he was shot in the back. He spoke to NEXT via telephone.
"We were there by 7:30am to 7:45am. We say the first two armoured tankers that came. When they came, we were telling them that please, they should not touch our place, they should tell the governor to leave us alone; our places are not for sale.
When were talking to those ones, we saw a number of army vehicles, one small armoured car in front, with another white Hilux at the back, filled with army (men). They were in a convoy, coming from Prison Road, wearing camouflage. The next thing, they just opened fire on us, they were just shooting our women. They drove to Dockyard where they parked the armoured cars and Hilux next to the first cars that came."
Mr. Okorie said that he ran to the nearby Warder Barracks. He said: "they shot for more than three to four hours."
Joy Henry, a shop owner, told NEXT she had just opened her provisions store for the day when the protest began. "I had to run for my life when I heard the shooting," she said. She would return later to find that a bullet had passed through the metal door of her miniature store, lodging itself inside one of many tins of Bournvita she sells for a living.
Ojike Opiom's household was not so lucky. "I first saw people moving round and round, so I stayed inside my house. Next, I heard some gunshots. I saw people carrying people with blood passing by, blood, everywhere, Bundu people, Bundu people," he told NEXT.
It would take the loud wailing of his daughters before he realised his first son, Victor [pictured] was one of the victims. The 29-year old electrician had defied the orders of his father and wandered out of the house. He came back with a gunshot to the hand for his efforts. "I was not among the protesters. I was just standing and looking. Government shot me," he said, while his father rebuked him loudly in the background. "Can you fight government?" the elder Opiom asked.
‘We are at the warfront.'
NEXT reporter counted at least 16 bullet holes in the maze of private residences, shops and cars in Bundu-Ama. Initially, residents shouted at neighbours who spoke up, while others accused the press of complacence. But soon, a resident held up an empty bullet cartridge, another accepted to have his picture taken. They came out, each interviewee seeking out another; a neighbour, a colleague, daughter: all were victims. As reporters moved through the site, scantily-clad children pointed out the community's sad attraction; a wall which still sported a bullet casing.
"We are at the warfront in Bundu," Voke Ovie told NEXT in vernacular. "The kind of weapons we saw with them are not normal police weapons. Even inside the house, everybody was under the table," he explained.
Neighbours of Austin Ogwah, one of the victims whose house was visited by NEXT, said the attacks were haphazard. Soldiers reportedly burst into Mr. Ogwah's residence and shot him in the stomach. He was rushed to the Teme Hospital. Peter Frank, another resident, told NEXT he was walking along the community hours later, when he was approached by three "army men" and told to lie down on the floor. He was beaten. Shola Oginni, a taxi driver who abandoned his car by the road said it had been towed by policemen who were seeking a bribe before he could get back his vehicle, "please help me beg them. This is my only source of livelihood."
There are reports among women of houses broken into, personal effects taken and goods stolen without payment by the soldiers.
Why Bundu?
Despite the incident, the enumeration of houses at Bundu-Ama went on as planned. Mr. Hassan was quoted as saying on Tuesday October 13 that his men "normally dominate waterfronts as part of our patrol policy in the state. Our presence their had nothing to do with the enumeration exercise."
This assertion was denied by the residents.
Mr. Okorie said; "I saw them. They were shooting and going inside Bundu, while the people doing the enumeration were marking the buildings."
Voke Ovie said the situation was uncalled for. "They shot us, just to carry out the marking of houses alone. They should provide an alternative for us before they chase us away from here, at least," he said in broken English.
All residents spoken to said they had not received formal explanations why their houses were being enumerated.
Ada Williams, head of the community told NEXT on Wednesday that the October 12 incident would be the second attempt at enumeration of houses in Bundu-Ama and both had been done via intimidation.
"Last week Tuesday (October 6), about 7:00 am, 7:30am , I was informed that there were armoured cars and troopers, vans, loaded with army, police, all going into Bundu community. They said they came to enumerate the houses. I didn't even take my breakfast, just to avoid this problem. I saw the head of the enumeration team, one Mr. David. They said that the boys met them, that they are not aware of what they came for. I asked them, why do you come here with force? You are intimidating us, this is a civilian government. If you are to enumerate these houses, why don't you inform us? We are to work with you. I do not have the powers to forestall your activity. You have the option to go ahead, or look for a way to meet with us, let us arrange. This matter is in court. The court has instructed the government and we that we should maintain status quo. And we are going to court on the 13th. Let's wait until after the court verdict. They apologised and left. There was no resistance."
Mr. Williams said the exercise was not a priority. "They do not have any developmental plans. We have not seen anything that is too serious for this government to demolish the waterfront. It should not be taken as a priority for now because there are so many other projects that can benefit the people."
Repeated attempts to speak to the Rivers State government officials failed. Phone calls to Osima Ginah, the state's Commissioner for Urban development, were not answered. Nor did he respond to two text messages sent to him. The story was the same with the phone calls made and text messages sent to Ogbonna Nwuke, the state's Commissioner for Information
Repairing the damage
The Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) aid organisation issued a statement on Thursday October 15 on its website that its personnel had "received patients reportedly injured in a demonstration against the demolition of the Bundu-Ama waterfront area in Port Harcourt so far treated nine casualties from Bundu-Ama" at the Teme trauma centre, located in Diobu.
Its statement read that; "all of the injuries were the result of gunshot wounds. People suffered from abdominal and chest wounds as well as bone fractures. Two patients required immediate surgical care."
Tonikey Napoleon Kalio was one of the patients. Derefaka Kalio, his brother, confirmed to NEXT via telephone that the father of one was admitted at Teme Hospital.
"I am taking care of my brother who was shot in the stomach. They shot him at Bundu, on his way to work. Right now, my brother is unconscious."
He also expressed anger at the government; "I am going to hold Amaechi responsible if anything happens to my brother. We have had other governors before him and it wasn't like this. If anything happens to my brother, Amaechi will have to kill two brothers," he said.
Bob-Manuel, brother to Belinda Gladstone, a student who was shot in the leg, said he was "tired of the questions."
A still unidentified corpse with gunshots to the face was also deposited at the Braithwaite Memorial Hospital. It is still lying there, with no answers about its identity and the motives of those who killed him.
"We were there by 7:30am to 7:45am. We say the first two armoured tankers that came. When they came, we were telling them that please, they should not touch our place, they should tell the governor to leave us alone; our places are not for sale.
When were talking to those ones, we saw a number of army vehicles, one small armoured car in front, with another white Hilux at the back, filled with army (men). They were in a convoy, coming from Prison Road, wearing camouflage. The next thing, they just opened fire on us, they were just shooting our women. They drove to Dockyard where they parked the armoured cars and Hilux next to the first cars that came."
Mr. Okorie said that he ran to the nearby Warder Barracks. He said: "they shot for more than three to four hours."
Joy Henry, a shop owner, told NEXT she had just opened her provisions store for the day when the protest began. "I had to run for my life when I heard the shooting," she said. She would return later to find that a bullet had passed through the metal door of her miniature store, lodging itself inside one of many tins of Bournvita she sells for a living.
Ojike Opiom's household was not so lucky. "I first saw people moving round and round, so I stayed inside my house. Next, I heard some gunshots. I saw people carrying people with blood passing by, blood, everywhere, Bundu people, Bundu people," he told NEXT.
It would take the loud wailing of his daughters before he realised his first son, Victor [pictured] was one of the victims. The 29-year old electrician had defied the orders of his father and wandered out of the house. He came back with a gunshot to the hand for his efforts. "I was not among the protesters. I was just standing and looking. Government shot me," he said, while his father rebuked him loudly in the background. "Can you fight government?" the elder Opiom asked.
‘We are at the warfront.'
NEXT reporter counted at least 16 bullet holes in the maze of private residences, shops and cars in Bundu-Ama. Initially, residents shouted at neighbours who spoke up, while others accused the press of complacence. But soon, a resident held up an empty bullet cartridge, another accepted to have his picture taken. They came out, each interviewee seeking out another; a neighbour, a colleague, daughter: all were victims. As reporters moved through the site, scantily-clad children pointed out the community's sad attraction; a wall which still sported a bullet casing.
"We are at the warfront in Bundu," Voke Ovie told NEXT in vernacular. "The kind of weapons we saw with them are not normal police weapons. Even inside the house, everybody was under the table," he explained.
Neighbours of Austin Ogwah, one of the victims whose house was visited by NEXT, said the attacks were haphazard. Soldiers reportedly burst into Mr. Ogwah's residence and shot him in the stomach. He was rushed to the Teme Hospital. Peter Frank, another resident, told NEXT he was walking along the community hours later, when he was approached by three "army men" and told to lie down on the floor. He was beaten. Shola Oginni, a taxi driver who abandoned his car by the road said it had been towed by policemen who were seeking a bribe before he could get back his vehicle, "please help me beg them. This is my only source of livelihood."
There are reports among women of houses broken into, personal effects taken and goods stolen without payment by the soldiers.
Why Bundu?
Despite the incident, the enumeration of houses at Bundu-Ama went on as planned. Mr. Hassan was quoted as saying on Tuesday October 13 that his men "normally dominate waterfronts as part of our patrol policy in the state. Our presence their had nothing to do with the enumeration exercise."
This assertion was denied by the residents.
Mr. Okorie said; "I saw them. They were shooting and going inside Bundu, while the people doing the enumeration were marking the buildings."
Voke Ovie said the situation was uncalled for. "They shot us, just to carry out the marking of houses alone. They should provide an alternative for us before they chase us away from here, at least," he said in broken English.
All residents spoken to said they had not received formal explanations why their houses were being enumerated.
Ada Williams, head of the community told NEXT on Wednesday that the October 12 incident would be the second attempt at enumeration of houses in Bundu-Ama and both had been done via intimidation.
"Last week Tuesday (October 6), about 7:00 am, 7:30am , I was informed that there were armoured cars and troopers, vans, loaded with army, police, all going into Bundu community. They said they came to enumerate the houses. I didn't even take my breakfast, just to avoid this problem. I saw the head of the enumeration team, one Mr. David. They said that the boys met them, that they are not aware of what they came for. I asked them, why do you come here with force? You are intimidating us, this is a civilian government. If you are to enumerate these houses, why don't you inform us? We are to work with you. I do not have the powers to forestall your activity. You have the option to go ahead, or look for a way to meet with us, let us arrange. This matter is in court. The court has instructed the government and we that we should maintain status quo. And we are going to court on the 13th. Let's wait until after the court verdict. They apologised and left. There was no resistance."
Mr. Williams said the exercise was not a priority. "They do not have any developmental plans. We have not seen anything that is too serious for this government to demolish the waterfront. It should not be taken as a priority for now because there are so many other projects that can benefit the people."
Repeated attempts to speak to the Rivers State government officials failed. Phone calls to Osima Ginah, the state's Commissioner for Urban development, were not answered. Nor did he respond to two text messages sent to him. The story was the same with the phone calls made and text messages sent to Ogbonna Nwuke, the state's Commissioner for Information
Repairing the damage
The Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) aid organisation issued a statement on Thursday October 15 on its website that its personnel had "received patients reportedly injured in a demonstration against the demolition of the Bundu-Ama waterfront area in Port Harcourt so far treated nine casualties from Bundu-Ama" at the Teme trauma centre, located in Diobu.
Its statement read that; "all of the injuries were the result of gunshot wounds. People suffered from abdominal and chest wounds as well as bone fractures. Two patients required immediate surgical care."
Tonikey Napoleon Kalio was one of the patients. Derefaka Kalio, his brother, confirmed to NEXT via telephone that the father of one was admitted at Teme Hospital.
"I am taking care of my brother who was shot in the stomach. They shot him at Bundu, on his way to work. Right now, my brother is unconscious."
He also expressed anger at the government; "I am going to hold Amaechi responsible if anything happens to my brother. We have had other governors before him and it wasn't like this. If anything happens to my brother, Amaechi will have to kill two brothers," he said.
Bob-Manuel, brother to Belinda Gladstone, a student who was shot in the leg, said he was "tired of the questions."
A still unidentified corpse with gunshots to the face was also deposited at the Braithwaite Memorial Hospital. It is still lying there, with no answers about its identity and the motives of those who killed him.
Monday, October 5, 2009
A tale of two rankings
By Ruona Agbroko
October 5, 2009 01:01AMT
October 5, 2009 01:01AMT
A fall-out between the initiators and researchers of governance ranking in African countries has led to two rival reports being published within four days in South Africa.
Both parties have reportedly stated their differences were brought on by “editorial control” and “African involvement”.
The Mo Ibrahim Foundation (MIF), named after the Sudanese businessman who owns it, launches the results of the “Ibrahim Index” today in Cape Town. In inaugurating the survey, the MIF approached Professor Robert Rotberg of the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, USA, who led the team that compiled the first two reports in 2007 and 2008.
Broken partnership
Signals of a partnership gone sour emerged in October last year, when the foundation issued a press release in London, announcing the results of its 2008 Ibrahim Index and steps to “strengthen” subsequent editions, adding, “Starting in 2009, the foundation would begin the transfer to African institutions of various aspects of the compilation of the Index,” the statement read.
Currently, Mr. Rotberg has authored the Index of African Governance, Results and Rankings 2009, which was published by the World Peace Foundation, and released on October 1 in Johannesburg. The text of the report disclosed that there is no “official connection between the Mo Ibrahim Foundation and this project”.
Mr. Rotberg, who is also president of the America-based World Peace Foundation, was recently quoted by South African newspapers as saying having two indices on governance in Africa is “ridiculous”.
The MIF had reportedly replied that Mr. Rotberg wanted to “retain editorial control” and “unfortunately appears to have disparaged the foundation’s motives for moving the Ibrahim Index as always intended and agreed”.
Differing viewpoints
At the outset of the Kennedy School and Mr. Ibrahim’s [pictured] collaboration in 2006, the latter was asked if his motives included a situation where the survey would replace other yardsticks currently used by aid agencies and donor countries.
“We are not really doing this for Western governments or donors. This is an African effort. That’s what we’d like to have happen — that the African people themselves use this data to see how they can move forward,” Mr Ibrahim replied.
Mr. Rotberg was quoted as saying donor agencies like the Millennium Challenge Account would be “better off using our measures when they’re perfected”.
Governance indices
The Ibrahim Index judged 48 sub-Saharan countries in Africa on eight indicators of security; rule of law, economic opportunity, political freedom, educational services, health services, empowering civil society, and arteries of commerce.
The report has been widely criticised for not including North African countries such as Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya and Egypt. However, these countries were covered in Mr. Rotberg’s 2009 Index of African Governance, which Mauritius heads with a score of 86 points out of 100.
Nigeria is ranked 38th out of 53 countries, while Ghana, the only West African country in the top 10, is rank sixth place. “Nigeria, despite its vast oil wealth, suffers as in previous years by weak scores for safety and security, participation, rule of law, and human development,” the 2009 Index of African Governance stated.
Both parties have reportedly stated their differences were brought on by “editorial control” and “African involvement”.
The Mo Ibrahim Foundation (MIF), named after the Sudanese businessman who owns it, launches the results of the “Ibrahim Index” today in Cape Town. In inaugurating the survey, the MIF approached Professor Robert Rotberg of the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, USA, who led the team that compiled the first two reports in 2007 and 2008.
Broken partnership
Signals of a partnership gone sour emerged in October last year, when the foundation issued a press release in London, announcing the results of its 2008 Ibrahim Index and steps to “strengthen” subsequent editions, adding, “Starting in 2009, the foundation would begin the transfer to African institutions of various aspects of the compilation of the Index,” the statement read.
Currently, Mr. Rotberg has authored the Index of African Governance, Results and Rankings 2009, which was published by the World Peace Foundation, and released on October 1 in Johannesburg. The text of the report disclosed that there is no “official connection between the Mo Ibrahim Foundation and this project”.
Mr. Rotberg, who is also president of the America-based World Peace Foundation, was recently quoted by South African newspapers as saying having two indices on governance in Africa is “ridiculous”.
The MIF had reportedly replied that Mr. Rotberg wanted to “retain editorial control” and “unfortunately appears to have disparaged the foundation’s motives for moving the Ibrahim Index as always intended and agreed”.
Differing viewpoints
At the outset of the Kennedy School and Mr. Ibrahim’s [pictured] collaboration in 2006, the latter was asked if his motives included a situation where the survey would replace other yardsticks currently used by aid agencies and donor countries.
“We are not really doing this for Western governments or donors. This is an African effort. That’s what we’d like to have happen — that the African people themselves use this data to see how they can move forward,” Mr Ibrahim replied.
Mr. Rotberg was quoted as saying donor agencies like the Millennium Challenge Account would be “better off using our measures when they’re perfected”.
Governance indices
The Ibrahim Index judged 48 sub-Saharan countries in Africa on eight indicators of security; rule of law, economic opportunity, political freedom, educational services, health services, empowering civil society, and arteries of commerce.
The report has been widely criticised for not including North African countries such as Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya and Egypt. However, these countries were covered in Mr. Rotberg’s 2009 Index of African Governance, which Mauritius heads with a score of 86 points out of 100.
Nigeria is ranked 38th out of 53 countries, while Ghana, the only West African country in the top 10, is rank sixth place. “Nigeria, despite its vast oil wealth, suffers as in previous years by weak scores for safety and security, participation, rule of law, and human development,” the 2009 Index of African Governance stated.
*Photo by NEXT
Sunday, October 4, 2009
Breaking the jinx--and writing
Today I celebrate the penning of the first three hundred and sixty-three words of my non-fiction book on the assassination of Godwin Agbroko, my friend, mentor, cashcow and yes...father.
He is pictured here at an outing with his wife a month to his death three days to Christmas 2006.
At 2:03 am this morning, this was one reason to be thankful for the insomnia that I have battled for the past three years since he was killed. It has been a horror to watch these thoughts do the merengue in my head, start a foxtrot about my clavicle just when I need my wits about me in public, and beat out a vigorous makossa routine in my brain just when I think I have achieved sanity.
But today, asides the big 363, I have a name for the book, I have mapped out sequences, and see light at the end of this tunnel. It is a surreal experience, to feel this way. And not food, wine or that comes close...only journalism has brought about something akin to what I feel right now.
I also have to thank Temi, Adaobi Nwaubani and Tolu Ogunlesi especially for taking the time to talk to me on making a start, any start...instead of bottling it all inside. I thank and plead with my mum in advance, for I will be winding her up and taking her to times she would rather forget but I want to make certain the world doesn't.
This is a small step, painful in turns...I do not guarantee any speedy churn of words, because this is non-fiction; it has my flesh and blood all over it...but I can guarantee that my three friends were right; once you start....you won't want to stop.
Will go easy on the celebratory booze tonight so insomnia can once again, make a fastidious writer of me.
R
At 2:03 am this morning, this was one reason to be thankful for the insomnia that I have battled for the past three years since he was killed. It has been a horror to watch these thoughts do the merengue in my head, start a foxtrot about my clavicle just when I need my wits about me in public, and beat out a vigorous makossa routine in my brain just when I think I have achieved sanity.
But today, asides the big 363, I have a name for the book, I have mapped out sequences, and see light at the end of this tunnel. It is a surreal experience, to feel this way. And not food, wine or that comes close...only journalism has brought about something akin to what I feel right now.
I also have to thank Temi, Adaobi Nwaubani and Tolu Ogunlesi especially for taking the time to talk to me on making a start, any start...instead of bottling it all inside. I thank and plead with my mum in advance, for I will be winding her up and taking her to times she would rather forget but I want to make certain the world doesn't.
This is a small step, painful in turns...I do not guarantee any speedy churn of words, because this is non-fiction; it has my flesh and blood all over it...but I can guarantee that my three friends were right; once you start....you won't want to stop.
Will go easy on the celebratory booze tonight so insomnia can once again, make a fastidious writer of me.
R
Our education system is failing our children
By Ruona Agbroko
October 4, 2009 10:28AMT
Within 10 days of each other, Nigeria's two secondary school examination bodies released results of their last examinations to much national anguish.
On September 10, Promise Okpala, chief executive of the National Examinations Council (NECO) announced that only 10% (numbering 126,500) of 1,200,765 candidates who registered for the body's examination passed five subjects, including English and Mathematics.
The nation had hardly recovered from that when the West African Examination Council (WAEC) released its Senior School Certificate Examination results on September 18. Iyi Uwadiae, an official of WAEC said some 25.99% (about 356,981) of 1,373,009 candidates achieved five credits including English and Mathematics.
The minimum result for admission into the nation's universities is five credits, including English Language and Mathematics. Students have been known to make up for shortfalls by using results from both NECO and WAEC to put in their admission applications.
On September 10, Promise Okpala, chief executive of the National Examinations Council (NECO) announced that only 10% (numbering 126,500) of 1,200,765 candidates who registered for the body's examination passed five subjects, including English and Mathematics.
The nation had hardly recovered from that when the West African Examination Council (WAEC) released its Senior School Certificate Examination results on September 18. Iyi Uwadiae, an official of WAEC said some 25.99% (about 356,981) of 1,373,009 candidates achieved five credits including English and Mathematics.
The minimum result for admission into the nation's universities is five credits, including English Language and Mathematics. Students have been known to make up for shortfalls by using results from both NECO and WAEC to put in their admission applications.
Exam malpractice as culprit
Yusuf Ari,a spokesperson for WAEC told NEXT in a telephone interview last Friday, said that the examination body cannot be blamed for the mass failure.
He said: "WAEC is just an assessment body that gives you standardized tests, and our examiners access you. Generally, from one exam to the other, the issues remain the same. Candidates do not appear to have a sound understanding of the English language in which they are supposed to write the exam, the language factor is an issue because the instructions they are expected to follow, some of them do not follow it." The results of 109,201 candidates were withheld by WAEC this year. Mr. Ari identified exam malpractice as reason for this, adding that; "We have been achieving some success. We have our ways of monitoring an identifying those who are involved in malpractices. Malpractice is a societal problem, a moral problem, and people are becoming increasingly conscious." His counterparts at NECO were not so optimistic. Media reports quoted Mr. Okpala as saying exam fraud was a big problem. He also identified Enugu, Akwa Ibom and Rivers State as most notorious as regards the trend.
An alumnus of the University of Ibadan who spoke under condition of anonymity said even undergraduates had cashed in on the development to make quick money.
"Weeks before, you see your mates reading textbooks on Government, Commerce, English language, Biology and other secondary school texts. On the mornings of JAMB or WAEC exams, all the hostels are empty. They charge from 10, 000 upwards per subject," he revealed.
In July, WAEC blacklisted 66 schools in Edo state, barring them from enrolling their students for next year's West African Senior School Certificate Examination (WASSCE), over lack of "adequate facilities". The schools, all privately owned, have since gone to court to contest the decision. Mr. Ari said the development was not new to the country's education sector. "WAEC periodically inspects the classrooms, laboratories and facilities of schools. At anytime, any school can be recognised, as well as delisted", he said.
He said: "WAEC is just an assessment body that gives you standardized tests, and our examiners access you. Generally, from one exam to the other, the issues remain the same. Candidates do not appear to have a sound understanding of the English language in which they are supposed to write the exam, the language factor is an issue because the instructions they are expected to follow, some of them do not follow it." The results of 109,201 candidates were withheld by WAEC this year. Mr. Ari identified exam malpractice as reason for this, adding that; "We have been achieving some success. We have our ways of monitoring an identifying those who are involved in malpractices. Malpractice is a societal problem, a moral problem, and people are becoming increasingly conscious." His counterparts at NECO were not so optimistic. Media reports quoted Mr. Okpala as saying exam fraud was a big problem. He also identified Enugu, Akwa Ibom and Rivers State as most notorious as regards the trend.
An alumnus of the University of Ibadan who spoke under condition of anonymity said even undergraduates had cashed in on the development to make quick money.
"Weeks before, you see your mates reading textbooks on Government, Commerce, English language, Biology and other secondary school texts. On the mornings of JAMB or WAEC exams, all the hostels are empty. They charge from 10, 000 upwards per subject," he revealed.
In July, WAEC blacklisted 66 schools in Edo state, barring them from enrolling their students for next year's West African Senior School Certificate Examination (WASSCE), over lack of "adequate facilities". The schools, all privately owned, have since gone to court to contest the decision. Mr. Ari said the development was not new to the country's education sector. "WAEC periodically inspects the classrooms, laboratories and facilities of schools. At anytime, any school can be recognised, as well as delisted", he said.
A history of failure
This year's results, depressing as they have been called, put previous ones in a dim shade.
In 2008, only 13.76% of 1,369,142 WAEC candidates achieved credits in five subjects. In the November 2006 examination, only 11.6% of 423,518 candidates reached the five-credit mark.
Mr. Ari's assertion that students were ill-prepared for the exams and teaching was inadequate was met with mixed reactions.
Mrs. Victoria Umukoro, a parent, told NEXT the results were "a reflection of the disregard the government has for the education sector.
"Look at what is happening to ASUU now. Even the secondary school teachers have been going on strike regularly over (the) Teachers' Salary Scale, just when the children are about to write exams. How many of them were able to make up for the May/June exams after the teachers' strike that occurred around February this year? All this counts, instead of them saying the teachers are not working. Government too should play its part." Mrs. Umukoro cited the Niger-Delta and JTF crisis in May, when elders in Okerenkoko and Oporoza, both affected communities, claimed the O'level exams of their children and wards were disrupted.
A vice-principal at Iwo Grammar School in Osun State, M Akanmu, said the harsh economic situation was also to be taken into account.
"The students are not ready to learn; most of them ride okadas (motorcycle) before and often after school. Too many of them are looking for how to support themselves and their families; such that there is really no time to read. Also, if the government can look into getting more teachers, that would help." Mr. Akanmu said he has had to combine administrative work with teaching as a result. "There are also too many students in each class. You find you cannot blame teachers who do not have the time to go and check each student's practice exercises during the 40 minutes of each class period. All these things must, in some ways, affect their results," he said.
Mrs. Umukoro's twin girls will be re-enrolling for the November/December WAEC examinations this year. Their mother has employed private tutors to make up for the shortfall. But Mrs. Umukoro said she cannot guarantee their success.
"I can only try my best. They can only try theirs. Our children are not the only ones failing each year; the government too is failing, as they fail," she said . Majority of the students don't know anything and had no wish to. I was amazed at the brazenness of their cheating.
*Photo by Abiodun Omotosho
Saturday, October 3, 2009
Judge adjourns hearing on Ibori aides’ trial
Ruona Agbroko
October 3, 2009 11:03PMT
Presiding judge Christopher Hardy at the Southwark Crown court in London on Friday adjourned till November 9, hearing on the money laundering trial involving the female aides of the former governor of Delta State, James Onanefe Ibori [pictured]. The aides reportedly helped him move an estimated £70 million worth of looted funds through several London banks.
The judge reportedly based his decision on an ongoing trial in Asaba, Delta State filed by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission against Mr. Ibori and Udoamaka Onuigbo, one of the accused.
The lawyers defending Ms. Onuigbo; Bimpe Pogoson, Ibori’s former personal assistant on confidential matters; and Christie Ibori-Ibie, his sister had requested a halt to the hearing pending the conclusion of the case in Asaba.
Reports show that the defence and prosecution teams have remained divided in their arguments. The defence reportedly maintained that should Mr. Ibori be acquitted of the charges against him, the case in the UK against his former aides would not stand.
The prosecution was however of the view that even if Mr. Ibori was not indicted in Nigeria, they possessed sufficient evidence in the UK to convict the defendants.
Also, while the defence argued that the Ibori trial was being expedited and would be concluded within three months, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, in its correspondence with the London Metropolitan Police claimed that the trial might run till 2011 across all necessary courts.
What the Judge said
According to news reports, prior to announcing the ruling, Judge Hardy had asserted that counsel to both parties were prepared for the trial proper to start in the UK, and that the verdict on the Asaba case would in no way affect the proceedings and outcome of the UK trial.
He, however, announced that going by information made available to him that hearing on the case in Asaba would be held on October 26, his court would commence the trial of the three accused persons two weeks later, from November 9, 2009. Judge Hardy also said that bail conditions for the defendants would not be waived, regardless of the adjournment.
The judge reportedly based his decision on an ongoing trial in Asaba, Delta State filed by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission against Mr. Ibori and Udoamaka Onuigbo, one of the accused.
The lawyers defending Ms. Onuigbo; Bimpe Pogoson, Ibori’s former personal assistant on confidential matters; and Christie Ibori-Ibie, his sister had requested a halt to the hearing pending the conclusion of the case in Asaba.
Reports show that the defence and prosecution teams have remained divided in their arguments. The defence reportedly maintained that should Mr. Ibori be acquitted of the charges against him, the case in the UK against his former aides would not stand.
The prosecution was however of the view that even if Mr. Ibori was not indicted in Nigeria, they possessed sufficient evidence in the UK to convict the defendants.
Also, while the defence argued that the Ibori trial was being expedited and would be concluded within three months, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, in its correspondence with the London Metropolitan Police claimed that the trial might run till 2011 across all necessary courts.
What the Judge said
According to news reports, prior to announcing the ruling, Judge Hardy had asserted that counsel to both parties were prepared for the trial proper to start in the UK, and that the verdict on the Asaba case would in no way affect the proceedings and outcome of the UK trial.
He, however, announced that going by information made available to him that hearing on the case in Asaba would be held on October 26, his court would commence the trial of the three accused persons two weeks later, from November 9, 2009. Judge Hardy also said that bail conditions for the defendants would not be waived, regardless of the adjournment.
Excerpts of his decision which were made available to NEXT read thus:
“I am asked to rule on the propriety of the UK proceedings whilst the Nigerian proceedings have yet to take place.
“I had requested further information from Nigeria as to the state of play there and the information I have received has been very helpful. I am told that the Prosecution are ready for trial and they can see no reason for any delay. I am of the view that the outcome of the Nigerian proceedings are not determinative for the UK trial, however I also accept that it would be unfair to proceed in the UK as the hearing in Nigeria is only a few weeks away. In order to prevent any injustice on the defendants,
it would be unfair to proceed. I am told that the hearing in Nigeria will be short, it is expected to last a couple of hours and the judgement will be within two weeks. I believe therefore the Court should have the full picture and so will adjourn this matter to the 9th November 2009, when trial will start. I am also reminded that Court of Appeal applications will be heard during this time”.
*Photo by NEXT
Sunday, September 13, 2009
Silverbird caught in Rivers demolition scandal
By Ruona Agbroko
September 11, 2009 03:28PMT
September 11, 2009 03:28PMT
Ben Murray-Bruce, founder of the Silverbird Group, has absolved his organisation of any responsibility in the large-scale demolitions in Njemanze and Abonnema Wharf, both waterfront properties in Port Harcourt, Rivers State.
The United Nations Agency for human settlements, UN-HABITAT, had issued a statement to the effect that the demolitions were “motivated by the Silverbird Showtime project, with several commercial developments.” The agency also estimates that about 45,000 people will be affected by the demolitions, which began in February 10, 2009, despite court rulings asking for a halt in the process to allow for proper deliberation.
Speaking in a telephone interview with NEXT, on Thursday, Mr. Murray-Bruce said, “I don’t have any comments on that. That is a strictly government affair. I don’t have any comment to make on the demolition. I am not involved in that, I think it’s the commissioner for Urban development.” The Silverbird Showtime project, besides the cinema, would reportedly include an international conference center, a shopping mall, high-rise hotel and a helipad. In addition, a leisure park and children’s theme park are to be developed.
About the MOU
The implementation of a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) signed on January 24, 2008 between the Silverbird Group and the Rivers State government has drawn mixed feelings from civil rights groups and residents of the communities.
C.W. Enwefah, the secretary-general of the National Union of Tenants of Nigeria took issue with what he called a “vague” part of the MOU that claimed there would be “ ‘an urban renewal programme within a radius of 2 km of the project site.’ “The MOU reads that Bruce and some undisclosed partners will receive 80 percent of the gains of the Silverbird project, while the state government that is now displacing thousands of residents will take just 20% and this is to last for 99 years. It’s never for the purpose of urban renewal,” he said.
Apart from Njemanze and Abonnema Wharf, “Akiziwe, Iloabuchi and Ojoto streets, Isaac Boro Park, Education Bus Stop have to disappear,” according to the UN-HABITAT report “because they are within the area required for expansion of existing roads to provide access to the Silverbird project site, while buildings in Isaac Boro Park and Education Bus Stop will have to make way for the children theme park.”
Corroborating a portion of the MOU which states that the Rivers State government would “provide basic services such as necessary access roads and safe neighbourhood buffer zone,” Johnson Falade, Habitat Programme Manager, Nigeria for UN-HABITAT, told NEXT in a recent interview that; “We gathered from other sources that some of these demolitions were coming as a result of this partnership and that they would not want to see those ramshackle structures that are around those waterfront areas.” Datubo West, a resident, is upset at the government for demolishing “a cultural icon like the Obi Wali Cultural Centre”, on which the Silverbird Showtime Cinema has since been built.
In Silverbird’s defence, the entertainment chain asked the Rivers State government to deliver the property to Silverbird “absolutely free of all encumbrances and ensure that potential issues of absentee landlords are identified and eliminated (...) and ensure that all impediments on the property that may hinder the execution of the project are eliminated”.
The organisation had also given the government a caveat to “ensure the peaceful evacuation and relocation of present occupants (...). The means of relocation shall be such as is legally acceptable and accords with due process with a view to avoiding impinging on the reputation of Silverbird in future”.
However, when NEXT tried to remind Mr. Murray-Bruce of these points, he was quite blunt; “Look, I need an environment to do business. It is government’s responsibility to create the enabling environment for us to do any kind of business in that area, so it’s the government responsibility... So really, they have to respond to the issues, not me.”
Still, civil rights groups such as Amnesty International and UN-HABITAT have reiterated calls for genuine inclusion and relocation of residents being affected by the demolitions. The UN-HABITAT’s report, titled “Evictions and Demolitions in Port Harcourt: Report of Fact-Finding Mission to Port-Harcourt City, Federal Republic Of Nigeria 12-16 March 2009” has gone further to pick holes in the Silverbird-Rivers State government MOU.
“It is worth noting that the public private partnership arrangement between the Silverbird Group Ltd. and the RSG is based on private-sector business practices,” page 50 of the report stated.
“Silverbird’s contribution to the equity shareholding is 80 per cent, or NGN 16 billion (USD 110 million) for the construction; RSG contributes 20 per cent in the form of the required land property and a payment of NGN 200 million (USD 1.38 million) to Silverbird as contribution to the building and operation of [a] children’s theme park.” The report also revealed that; ‘The parties agreed that Silverbird is entitled to defray all its costs and expenses related to the construction of the Project from the (generated) income (...) after which profits will be shared in the proportion of its equity shareholding (...).’
But in spite of formidable opposition, the demolitions continue, and critics are certain that out of the debris of the lives, homes and sweat of thousands, will rise yet another outpost of an already successful business empire.
Friday, September 11, 2009
Port Harcourt's Boli is better than...
By Ruona Agbroko
September 11, 2009 11:48AMT
At the risk of sounding puerile, I intended to sow my wild oats immediately I heard I would be covering a story in Port Harcourt; it is, after all, a city reputed for its nightlife and equally colourful human beings.
I am happy to say my experiences were nothing short of orgasmic... the very moment my taste buds came in contact with Port Harcourt's famous boli and fish in tomato sauce, I felt my juices (salivary, mind) spew forth. Each thrust of my tongue meant the charcoal-roasted plantains melded with the grilled fish and the tang of chopped pepper, onions, palm oil and tomatoes steeped in native spices.
I would close my eyes, savouring the delicious sensations, moaning my thanks to the bewildered seller and then swallowing. Unquantifiable regret came when it all had to end after a few rounds, bites, I mean.
Served all around the ‘Garden City', there is a reason why this boli is different. The firm, robust plantains smoulder slowly, flanked by pieces of fish, both giving out aromas that are bound to make the hungry hungrier and the newly-fed peckish.
Either way, you'll find yourself falling under the wiles of the fare, especially when you discover how cheap it is, plantains are at most N100 and fish from N50 upwards.
I ate boli on the road, in between interviews and bought my driver some so I wouldn't have to share. We normally got our fix at Agudama Street in the D-line area, where over 10 ladies have their wares on display.
We would prod and poke before choosing, mouths watering as we watched the sellers squash the plantains afterwards and add steaming spoonfuls of the sauce.
Our anger could be likened to the antics of a jealous lover when we didn't get served fast enough in a crowd of bank executives, school kids and even expectant mothers.
Coming back to Lagos' puny, often-unripe boli served with stone-filled groundnuts has been like being forced to marry my pot-bellied village chief after momentarily dating Ozwald Boateng; you may fill your urges with the former, but always yearn for the latter.
September 11, 2009 11:48AMT
At the risk of sounding puerile, I intended to sow my wild oats immediately I heard I would be covering a story in Port Harcourt; it is, after all, a city reputed for its nightlife and equally colourful human beings.
I am happy to say my experiences were nothing short of orgasmic... the very moment my taste buds came in contact with Port Harcourt's famous boli and fish in tomato sauce, I felt my juices (salivary, mind) spew forth. Each thrust of my tongue meant the charcoal-roasted plantains melded with the grilled fish and the tang of chopped pepper, onions, palm oil and tomatoes steeped in native spices.
I would close my eyes, savouring the delicious sensations, moaning my thanks to the bewildered seller and then swallowing. Unquantifiable regret came when it all had to end after a few rounds, bites, I mean.
Served all around the ‘Garden City', there is a reason why this boli is different. The firm, robust plantains smoulder slowly, flanked by pieces of fish, both giving out aromas that are bound to make the hungry hungrier and the newly-fed peckish.
Either way, you'll find yourself falling under the wiles of the fare, especially when you discover how cheap it is, plantains are at most N100 and fish from N50 upwards.
I ate boli on the road, in between interviews and bought my driver some so I wouldn't have to share. We normally got our fix at Agudama Street in the D-line area, where over 10 ladies have their wares on display.
We would prod and poke before choosing, mouths watering as we watched the sellers squash the plantains afterwards and add steaming spoonfuls of the sauce.
Our anger could be likened to the antics of a jealous lover when we didn't get served fast enough in a crowd of bank executives, school kids and even expectant mothers.
Coming back to Lagos' puny, often-unripe boli served with stone-filled groundnuts has been like being forced to marry my pot-bellied village chief after momentarily dating Ozwald Boateng; you may fill your urges with the former, but always yearn for the latter.
Friday, September 4, 2009
Paying the price of urban renewal
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By Ruona Agbroko
September 5, 2009 02:11PMT
It starts to drizzle and Obinna Davidson finally lets his tears fall, probably relieved that his siblings and the journalist poking a recorder in his face, will be unable to distinguish between his tears and the rain. The Rivers State government began a demolition of structures at Njemanze, Port Harcourt, where Mr. Davidson has lived since birth, on August 27, and will proceed to neighbouring Abonnema Wharf community [pictured] after that.
Both are waterfront settlements in the state capital where, according to UN-HABITAT, the United Nations agency for human settlements, at least 45,000 people live. The scene at the Njemanze waterfront would rival any of the world’s worst hurricanes; only, this “disaster” is man-made. A bulldozer hums in the background, reducing an estimated 800 buildings to debris, some of which finds its way into the water and floats to the creeks beyond. Armed soldiers patrol the area, causing residents to occasionally run in fear and making news hounds thankful for zoom lens. Mr. Davidson joins about 40 men, children and burly women who defy the soldiers and roam the vast area, which was once home to them.
They scavenge through the heaps, some retrieving planks which they claim will be sold for their upkeep. Watching the remnants of a small refrigerator float by, he turns his back and finally speaks; “We are here to see what we can carry. Government is a disappointment; many people have gone to the village... There were more than two villages here, and these are the amounts of people they chased away from here.
September 5, 2009 02:11PMT
It starts to drizzle and Obinna Davidson finally lets his tears fall, probably relieved that his siblings and the journalist poking a recorder in his face, will be unable to distinguish between his tears and the rain. The Rivers State government began a demolition of structures at Njemanze, Port Harcourt, where Mr. Davidson has lived since birth, on August 27, and will proceed to neighbouring Abonnema Wharf community [pictured] after that.
Both are waterfront settlements in the state capital where, according to UN-HABITAT, the United Nations agency for human settlements, at least 45,000 people live. The scene at the Njemanze waterfront would rival any of the world’s worst hurricanes; only, this “disaster” is man-made. A bulldozer hums in the background, reducing an estimated 800 buildings to debris, some of which finds its way into the water and floats to the creeks beyond. Armed soldiers patrol the area, causing residents to occasionally run in fear and making news hounds thankful for zoom lens. Mr. Davidson joins about 40 men, children and burly women who defy the soldiers and roam the vast area, which was once home to them.
They scavenge through the heaps, some retrieving planks which they claim will be sold for their upkeep. Watching the remnants of a small refrigerator float by, he turns his back and finally speaks; “We are here to see what we can carry. Government is a disappointment; many people have gone to the village... There were more than two villages here, and these are the amounts of people they chased away from here.
Many old people have died because of hypertension.” His brother, a little boy of about eight years, chips in: “When school starts, nothing for us,” and Mr. Davidson continues, “They say it is because of bad boys, for safety of the people, that is why they destroyed the place; some say it is for cinema... We don’t know what is going on, but they should have had more patience with us, that is all I want to say.” A question of how Being the capital city of oil-rich Rivers State, Port Harcourt, a town set up around 1914, strictly for the movement of coal from Enugu, witnessed an influx of rural populations that began reclaiming land along the Bonny River as far back as the 1940s.
According to Datubo West, another resident of Njemanze, the oil boom and increased scarcity and cost of accommodation in the ‘upland’ areas forced the people to sand-fill land, resulting in the over 50 densely populated waterfront communities, which existed side by side before the demolition began. In February 2009, Osima Ginah, the state commissioner for urban development, reportedly disclosed that all waterfronts would be demolished, beginning with Njemanze and Abonnema.
Jim Tom-George, the spokesperson for the Abonnema Wharf Community House Owners Association, told NEXT the organisation wrote to Mr. Ginah four times - beginning from August 2008 - and received no response. In February 2009, he paid them a visit, to issue a seven-day pre-eviction notice.
According to Datubo West, another resident of Njemanze, the oil boom and increased scarcity and cost of accommodation in the ‘upland’ areas forced the people to sand-fill land, resulting in the over 50 densely populated waterfront communities, which existed side by side before the demolition began. In February 2009, Osima Ginah, the state commissioner for urban development, reportedly disclosed that all waterfronts would be demolished, beginning with Njemanze and Abonnema.
Jim Tom-George, the spokesperson for the Abonnema Wharf Community House Owners Association, told NEXT the organisation wrote to Mr. Ginah four times - beginning from August 2008 - and received no response. In February 2009, he paid them a visit, to issue a seven-day pre-eviction notice.
This culminated in the demolition which took place between February 10 and 13, 2009. During the exercise, 40 to 50 buildings were demolished along the upper part of Abonnema Wharf Road, by Njemanze. About 10,000 people were directly affected, according to C.W. Enwefah, the secretary-general of the National Union of Tenants of Nigeria. This was despite a court ruling requiring Mr. Ginah to effect a halt on demolitions as the case was still being heard.
Calls and text messages to Mr. Osima Ginah and his counterpart, Ogbona Nwuke, who is the Commissioner for Information, on why the exercise went on despite the court case, went unanswered. An official of the Greater Port Harcourt City Development Authority, who pleaded anonymity, was quick to distance the organisation from the large-scale demolitions; “We are not the ones demolishing. It is the urban development people; it is commissioner for urban development, the ministry of urban development that is in charge of that demolition in Njemanze and Abonnema,” he said.
Mr. West, whose business premises in Njemanze has been demolished, says; “we need a government who has human feeling, not a Pharaoh. We are squatting about, scattered. They went as far as saying that everybody here are criminals “We demonstrated on the 3rd of August, asking that as they settle the landlords, we the tenants should be included. The police threw teargas, beat up women just at the UTC Bus Stop, on the way to the government house.” Mr. Enwefah said about 1000 residents were arrested, while five have been charged to court over “a non-violent demonstration”. The UN-HABITAT embarked on a fact-finding mission to the area in March and released a formal report asking for a stop to the demolitions and dialogue between tenants and the government.
This became necessary due to the numbers of residents affected in the area. Johnson Falade, Habitat Programme Manager, Nigeria, said in a telephone interview on Thursday: “When our report came out, we instead saw more of the bulldozers being pulled out.” Diamond Ojiaka, another tenant, told NEXT: “As I speak to you, my marriage is at stake. My wife, Mary, with our new-born baby, has had to go to our village, Buguma. They are carrying the landlords along, what about us the tenants?”
Calls and text messages to Mr. Osima Ginah and his counterpart, Ogbona Nwuke, who is the Commissioner for Information, on why the exercise went on despite the court case, went unanswered. An official of the Greater Port Harcourt City Development Authority, who pleaded anonymity, was quick to distance the organisation from the large-scale demolitions; “We are not the ones demolishing. It is the urban development people; it is commissioner for urban development, the ministry of urban development that is in charge of that demolition in Njemanze and Abonnema,” he said.
Mr. West, whose business premises in Njemanze has been demolished, says; “we need a government who has human feeling, not a Pharaoh. We are squatting about, scattered. They went as far as saying that everybody here are criminals “We demonstrated on the 3rd of August, asking that as they settle the landlords, we the tenants should be included. The police threw teargas, beat up women just at the UTC Bus Stop, on the way to the government house.” Mr. Enwefah said about 1000 residents were arrested, while five have been charged to court over “a non-violent demonstration”. The UN-HABITAT embarked on a fact-finding mission to the area in March and released a formal report asking for a stop to the demolitions and dialogue between tenants and the government.
This became necessary due to the numbers of residents affected in the area. Johnson Falade, Habitat Programme Manager, Nigeria, said in a telephone interview on Thursday: “When our report came out, we instead saw more of the bulldozers being pulled out.” Diamond Ojiaka, another tenant, told NEXT: “As I speak to you, my marriage is at stake. My wife, Mary, with our new-born baby, has had to go to our village, Buguma. They are carrying the landlords along, what about us the tenants?”
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